Documenting the Destruction of Democracy?

The Conservative Guide to Dismantling Government and Destroying the Planet

Project 2025: Just Say No

By Stuart Warner and Gemini

(I am a Pulitzer Prize-winning editor and I used Gemini Advanced to summarize much of the 900-page conservative manifesto Project 2025.  Most of the writing and analysis is done by the artificial intelligence program, including the following intro. Writing in italics and headlines are mine as are the bios of the authors of each chapter. The chapter numbers represent the corresponding  chapters in the document.  Not every chapter was included  – Stuart Warner.)

Table of Contents (only 17 chapters were reviewed)

INTR0: Documenting the Destruction of Democracy?

THE PROLOGUE: A Mandate for Conservative Leadership.

CHAPTER 1: Taking the Reins (Reign?) of Government

CHAPTER 2: The Gender Agenda

CHAPTER 3: More Power for the President, Less for Federal Unions

CHAPTER 4: More Money for the Military, Less for ‘Wokeness’

CHAPTER 5: If You Thought Trump Was Tough on Immigrants the First Time, Hold My Beer

CHAPTER 6: The DOE Is Not Dear; Let’s Get Rid of It and Non-Binary Designations

CHAPTER 12: Clean Air? We Don’t Need No Stinkin’ Clean Air

CHAPTER 15: Dr. Ben Carson Is Back and Homes Still Won’t Be Affordable

CHAPTER 16: This Land Is Not Really Your Land; Drill, Baby, Drill

CHAPTER 17: A Justice Department for All the People We Like

CHAPTER 18: We Are the Party of (White, Non-Union) Workers

CHAPTER 22: All Our Axes Are Used on Taxes

CHAPTER 24: Federal Reserve Reforms Could Be a Real Turkey

CHAPTER 26: Lowering the Boom on Chinese, Raising Prices on You

CHAPTER 29: A Blueprint for Partisan Elections?By Stuart Warner and Gemini Advanced

INTR0: Documenting the Destruction of Democracy?

The Heritage Foundation’s “Project 2025” is a blueprint for a radical restructuring of the federal government. It aims to consolidate presidential power, dismantle federal agencies, and implement a conservative agenda across all aspects of policy. While it claims to promote individual freedom and economic growth, a closer look reveals a blueprint that could have devastating consequences for the environment, civil rights, and the foundations of American democracy.

The project’s chapter on the Department of the Interior (DOI) highlights its disregard for environmental protection. It calls for increased resource extraction on federal lands, weakening environmental regulations, and prioritizing energy independence over conservation. This approach could lead to irreversible environmental damage, jeopardizing the health of our planet and the well-being of future generations.

The proposals for the Department of Justice (DOJ) are equally alarming. They advocate for a partisan transformation of the DOJ, potentially undermining civil rights protections and targeting women’s rights, minorities, and immigrants. This could erode the DOJ’s role as a defender of justice and equality for all, turning it into a tool for political persecution.

The labor reforms proposed in Project 2025 are no less concerning. They aim to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and curtail union power, potentially leaving workers more vulnerable to exploitation and exacerbating existing inequalities. This could lead to a less inclusive and equitable workplace, undermining the progress made in protecting workers’ rights and promoting diversity.

The economic proposals in Project 2025 are also troubling. They advocate for tax reforms that could benefit wealthy individuals and corporations at the expense of the average taxpayer and minorities. This could exacerbate wealth inequality and create an economic system that favors the privileged few over the majority.

The proposals for the Federal Reserve and the Federal Election Commission (FEC) raise concerns about political interference in independent institutions. They could undermine the Fed’s ability to manage the economy effectively and weaken the FEC’s role in ensuring fair elections. This could lead to a less stable economy and a political system dominated by wealthy donors and special interests.

Here’s a quick summary of the key proposals in the document:

  • Immigration: Prioritizing border security and stricter immigration enforcement, potentially breaking up the Department of Homeland Security or merging its core immigration agencies.
  • Education: Reducing the federal role in education and increasing local control, potentially impacting gender equity and Title IX protections.
  • Energy: Prioritizing fossil fuels over environmental concerns, potentially worsening climate change and air quality.
  • Healthcare: Restricting abortion access and prioritizing traditional family structures, potentially impacting healthcare access and family planning options.
  • Labor: Curtailing union power and dismantling diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, potentially harming marginalized groups and eroding labor protections.
  • Economy: Implementing tax reforms favoring wealthy individuals and corporations, potentially exacerbating wealth

In conclusion, Project 2025 represents a radical vision for the future of the United States. While it claims to promote individual freedom and economic growth, its proposals could have devastating consequences for the environment, civil rights, and the foundations of American democracy. It is crucial for all Americans to understand the potential implications of this project and engage in a vigorous public debate to ensure a more inclusive, equitable, and sustainable future.

THE PROLOGUE: A Mandate for Conservative Leadership.

Author Kevin Roberts argues that America faces a crisis similar to the late 1970s, with economic decline, cultural decay, and threats from abroad. He blames “elites” and the “Left” for these problems.

Roberts was president of the Heritage Foundation, the conservative think tank behind Project 2025.  In a recent radio interview, he said that the country was “in the process of the second American Revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be.”

In other words (my interpretation) the right’s mantra is no longer: “They’re coming for your guns.”  It is now: “We’re coming for you with our guns.”

He said Project 2025draws inspiration from Ronald Reagan’s success in the 1980s, emphasizing clear goals, limited government, and a focus on family values. The book outlines four core conservative promises:

  • Restore the Family: This involves promoting marriage, parental authority, and traditional gender roles. It also includes opposing abortion and pornography, i.e. transexuals reading books to children.
  • Dismantle the Administrative State: This means reducing the size and power of federal agencies and reasserting congressional control.
  • Defend National Sovereignty: This involves securing borders, opposing globalism, and prioritizing American interests abroad.
  • Secure Individual Rights: This includes protecting free speech and religious liberty from “woke culture.”

Project 2025 offers a comprehensive look at conservative ideology and its proposed solutions to America’s problems. It is a valuable resource for understanding conservative perspectives on a wide range of issues. However, readers should be aware of its potential biases and consider alternative viewpoints.

Scary Quotes From the Text

“The next conservative President should work with Congress to enact the most robust protections for the unborn that Congress will support while deploying existing federal powers to protect innocent life and vigorously complying with statutory bans on the federal funding of abortion.”

“The next conservative President must make the institutions of American civil society hard targets for woke culture warriors. This starts with deleting the terms sexual orientation and gender identity (“SOGI”), diversity, equity, and inclusion (“DEI”), gender, gender equality, gender equity, gender awareness, gender-sensitive, abortion, reproductive health, reproductive rights, and any other term used to deprive Americans of their First Amendment rights out of every federal rule, agency regulation, contract, grant, regulation, and piece of legislation that exists.”

CHAPTER 1: Taking the Reins (Reign?) of Government

The intro to argues that America is currently divided between two opposing forces: “woke revolutionaries” and those who believe in the ideals of the American revolution. The author believes the “woke revolutionaries” believe America is fundamentally racist and needs to be transformed. The author argues that conservatives need to fight for the soul of America.

The author also references Abraham Lincoln’s warning that the greatest threat to America would come from within. The author references what they see as the “Left’s steady stream of insanity,” including mask and vaccine mandates, defunding the police, and denying the biological reality that there are only two sexes. The author argues that the next Administration must stand up for American ideals.

The author concludes by arguing that the federal bureaucracy has a mind of its own and does not reflect the will of the American people.

Here is a summary of the first chapter of Taking the Reins of Government:

The White House Office

This chapter from the book called “Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership, the Conservative Promise,” dives into the structure and function of the various offices that support the President of the United States.

The chapter highlights the significant role of the White House Office (WHO) in American government. It emphasizes the importance of choosing the right people to staff these critical positions, as their decisions directly impact the President’s legacy and the fate of the country.

It emphasizes the role of Chiefs of Staff in managing the WHO and prioritizing the President’s initiatives.

The following sections delve into specific offices within the WHO:

  • Deputy Chiefs of Staff: The chapter discusses the different roles Deputy Chiefs of Staff can play, including managing operations, policy, and overseeing communication strategies.
  • Senior Advisors: These advisors provide the President with guidance on a broad range of issues, including policy and communication.
  • Office of White House Counsel: This office offers legal advice to the President and ensures adherence to legal and ethical guidelines. The essay emphasizes the importance of the Counsel being well-versed in the Constitution and loyal to both the President and the law.
  • Staff Secretary: Acting as a gatekeeper, the Staff Secretary controls the flow of information in and out of the Oval Office.
  • Office of Communications: This office is responsible for conveying the President’s message to the public through various channels, including speeches, press briefings, and social media.
  • Office of Legislative Affairs (OLA): The OLA serves as a liaison between the White House and Congress, working to secure passage of the President’s legislative priorities.
  • Office of Presidential Personnel (PPO): The PPO is tasked with recruiting and vetting candidates for political appointments within the executive branch.
  • Office of Political Affairs (OPA): This office manages the President’s political interests by maintaining relationships with national committees, campaigns, and interest groups.
  • Office of Cabinet Affairs (OCA): The OCA coordinates policy and communication between the White House and the Cabinet departments.

The essay concludes by emphasizing the importance of a well-functioning White House Office in ensuring a President’s agenda is implemented effectively.

Scary Quote

“…  the new Administration must fill its ranks with political appointees … who are answerable to the President and have decision-making authority in the executive branch are key to this essential task. The next Administration must not cede such authority to non-partisan ‘experts,’ who pursue their own ends while engaging in groupthink, insulated from American voters.”

Funny Quote

“Above all, the President and those who serve under him or her must be committed to the Constitution and the rule of law. This is particularly true of a conservative Administration, which knows that the President is there to uphold the Constitution, not the other way around. If a conservative Administration does not respect the Constitution, no Administration will.”

About the Author: Former President Donald Trump claims to know nothing about Project 2025 but many of its contributors have close ties to his administration including Rick Dearborn, author of Chapter 1. Dearborn served as  White House Deputy Chief of Staff to Trump and then returned to The Heritage Foundation as a Distinguished

CHAPTER 2: The Gender Agenda

“Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership” lays out a roadmap for conservative policy under a future Republican administration. Chapter 2 delves into the proposed restructuring of the Executive Office of the President (EOP) and its role in enacting the president’s agenda. While advocating for a strengthened EOP, particularly the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), the chapter also proposes the elimination of the White House Gender Policy Council (GPC), established by the Biden Administration.

Russ Vought, the chapter’s author, argues for a more streamlined and presidential-controlled Executive Office. He views the current bureaucracy as resistant to presidential will. A key element is strengthening the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to give the president greater control over federal agencies. However, this proposal comes at a cost – the potential dismantling of the Gender Policy Council.

The GPC, established in 2021, serves as a coordinating body for federal efforts on gender equality. Its elimination suggests a potential de-prioritization of these issues within the executive branch. Advocates for gender equality see the GPC as a crucial platform for advancing policies on women’s rights, pay equity, and LGBTQ+ inclusion. Its absence could lead to a significant shift in these areas.

Beyond specific policies, the symbolic message of abolishing the GPC is potent. It could signal to the public that the administration does not prioritize gender equality. This, in turn, could discourage initiatives aimed at addressing gender-based disparities. Additionally, the legal basis for the GPC’s creation might be challenged, potentially leading to lawsuits.

However, it’s important to consider the motivations behind the proposal. Vought argues for a more streamlined and efficient executive branch. Supporters might view the GPC as an example of “mission creep” within the bureaucracy. They might argue that existing agencies can handle gender-related issues without a dedicated council.

Furthermore, the elimination of the GPC wouldn’t necessarily spell the end of progress on gender equality. Legislation and judicial rulings can still drive change. Additionally, individual agencies could still prioritize these issues within their mandates.

However, the GPC’s role as a coordinating body cannot be understated. Its elimination could lead to fragmented and less effective policies addressing gender issues. Additionally, the loss of a centralized platform for these issues could make it harder for advocates to have their voices heard within the administration.

The broader context of Project 2025 is also crucial. The book advocates for a rollback of regulations, particularly those seen as burdensome to businesses. This could disproportionately affect sectors with a high concentration of female employees. Additionally, the book emphasizes national security concerns. While not explicitly linked to gender issues, some might argue that a focus on these issues could come at the expense of social concerns like gender equality.

It’s important to acknowledge limitations. Project 2025 represents a single perspective and may not reflect the views of all conservatives. Additionally, the feasibility of abolishing the GPC depends on a variety of factors – from congressional support to potential legal challenges.

In conclusion, the proposal to eliminate the Gender Policy Council in Project 2025 raises significant questions about the potential shift in federal priorities on gender equality. While the book advocates for a streamlined and efficient executive branch, the potential consequences for women’s rights and LGBTQ+ inclusion cannot be ignored. The 2024 election will likely determine whether the GPC remains a cornerstone of federal gender policy or becomes a footnote in American history.

Scary Quotes

“Abolishing the Gender Policy Council would eliminate central promotion of abortion (‘health services’); comprehensive sexuality education (‘education’); and the new woke gender ideology, which has as a principal tenet ‘gender affirming care’ and ‘sex-change’ surgeries on minors.”

“… the Biden Administration’s climate fanaticism will need a whole-of-government unwinding. As with other federal departments and agencies, the Biden Administration’s leveraging of the federal government’s resources to further the woke agenda should be reversed and scrubbed from all policy manuals, guidance documents, and agendas … “

About the Author: Russ Vought served in President Trump’s Cabinet as Director of the Office of Management and Budget, overseeing the implementation of the presidential budget, key policies on deregulation, and a landmark effort to eliminate critical race theory and other radical ideologies in executive agencies. Did we mention again that Trump says he knows nothing about Project 2025 or the people who wrote it?

CHAPTER 3: More Power for the President, Less for Federal Unions

Project 2025’s chapter 3, Managing the Bureaucracy, proposes a sweeping overhaul of the federal civil service system. While couched in terms of improving efficiency, the plan would significantly strengthen the President’s control over the bureaucracy, raising concerns about politicization and the fate of federal employee unions.

The chapter highlights perceived shortcomings in the current system, particularly the lengthy appeals process and limitations on firing underperforming employees. These, it argues, impede effective management and prevent the President from enacting his agenda. Proposed reforms include streamlining appeals and granting political appointees greater control over performance appraisals. This would undoubtedly strengthen the President’s hand. He could swiftly remove problematic staff and ensure appointees loyal to his vision fill key positions. Supporters argue this translates to a more responsive and efficient bureaucracy, one that implements the President’s policies swiftly and effectively.

Critics, however, see a different picture. They fear politicization of the civil service, with appointments and performance reviews based on loyalty rather than merit. A President could strategically place political allies throughout the bureaucracy, potentially creating a system less interested in serving the public good and more focused on advancing the President’s agenda. Furthermore, a more punitive performance management system could lead to decreased employee morale and a flight of talent, ultimately hindering efficiency.

The Union Question: Bargaining Power on the Chopping Block?

The proposed reforms have a potentially devastating impact on federal employee unions. Their core function – protecting members from unfair treatment – is directly challenged by streamlined appeals processes and easier terminations. Unions would have less leverage to advocate for their members in disciplinary actions.

The chapter’s emphasis on performance-based pay adds another layer of concern. Shifting responsibility for performance appraisals to political appointees raises the specter of politicized evaluations. Union membership could become a factor, weakening protection against politically motivated performance critiques. Furthermore, prioritizing performance over seniority in layoffs weakens another key union bulwark – protection for long-term employees. Experienced workers with strong union ties could be more vulnerable to job cuts.

Beyond the Bureaucracy: A Broader Power Shift?

The impact extends beyond the civil service. The chapter suggests limitations on the Federal Labor Relations Authority’s (FLRA) authority to hear appeals. The FLRA plays a vital role in resolving disputes between federal agencies and unions. Weakening its authority would significantly limit unions’ ability to enforce collective bargaining agreements and protect their members’ rights.

Another proposal seeks to consolidate several agencies with overlapping functions, including the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB). These agencies handle complaints of discrimination and wrongful termination, respectively. Merging them could create a less efficient and responsive system for addressing employee grievances, further undermining unions’ ability to represent their members effectively.

A Balancing Act: Efficiency vs. Representation

While Project 2025’s focus is on efficiency, the potential consequences for unions are significant. Weakened union protections and a more punitive performance management system could disincentivize employees from joining unions, leading to decreased membership. Reduced bargaining power at the negotiating table, along with a potentially more hostile work environment, could further weaken unions’ role in representing employee interests. Unions might be forced to dedicate more resources to defending members from termination and less on advocating for better wages and benefits.

However, the impact might not be uniform across all unions. Larger, more established unions with strong political connections might be better positioned to adapt. Smaller unions representing specific agencies or professions could face a more significant threat.

Conclusion: A Double-Edged Sword

Project 2025’s proposals offer a double-edged sword. Strengthening the President’s control over the bureaucracy could improve efficiency and responsiveness. However, this comes at the potential cost of politicization and a significant weakening of federal employee unions. A balanced approach is crucial. Improving efficiency should not come at the expense of employee morale, fair treatment, and a healthy system of checks and balances within the federal government. Ultimately, the long-term impact on government effectiveness and employee well-being depends on how these reforms are implemented and the safeguards put in place to ensure a meritocratic and fair system.

Scary Quote

Frustrated with [the] activities by top career executives, the Trump Administration issued Executive Order 1395724 to make career professionals in positions that are not normally subject to change … an exception to the competitive hiring rules. It ordered the Director of OPM and agency heads to set procedures to prepare lists of such confidential, policy-determining, policymaking, or policy-advocating positions and prepare procedures to create exceptions from civil service rules when careerists hold such positions …. The order was subsequently reversed by President Biden at the demand of the civil service associations and unions. It should be reinstated … ” (My interpretation: Thousands of civil servants should be replaced by the President’s political appointees.)

About the Authors: Donald Devine was known as “Reagan’s Terrible Swift Sword of the Civil Service.” Paul Dans held several positions in the Trump administration and is now director of the 2025 Presidential Transition Project at the Heritage Foundation. Dennis Dean Kirk was nominated by Trump to be chairman of the Merit Systems Protection Board. But again, Trump knows nothing about the people behind Project 2025.

CHAPTER 4: More Money for the Military, Less for ‘Wokeness’

Section 2 of the conservative manifesto “Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership,” Common Defense, offers a conservative perspective on the state of the U.S. military and proposes significant reforms. We begin with an examination of Chapter 4: Department of Defense.

Military ‘Wokeness’: A Contested Issue

The document defines “wokeness” as initiatives promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) within the military. It argues that these efforts undermine military effectiveness by:

  • Prioritizing social agendas over warfighting capabilities.
  • Weakening unit cohesion and morale.
  • Diverting resources from readiness.

However, the document doesn’t provide concrete evidence for these claims. There’s ongoing debate about the impact of DEI programs on military effectiveness. Whether social policies are harming the military is a complex issue. There have been concerns that issues like gender integration could hurt unit cohesion, but studies have shown mixed results. It’s important to note that the military itself has embraced diversity efforts in recent years. In 2021, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff stated that diversity is “absolutely essential” to military readiness.

Focus on China and Increased Spending

The document prioritizes China as the primary threat and proposes significant increases in defense spending. Here’s a breakdown of the key arguments:

  • China’s Military Buildup: The document highlights China’s rapid military modernization, including nuclear weapons expansion. It argues for a “denial defense” to prevent China from seizing Taiwan or other strategic territories.
  • Need for Modernization: The author believes the U.S. military lags in key areas like technology and needs more resources to compete with China.
  • Burden-Sharing: The document calls for increased defense spending by U.S. allies to lessen the burden on American taxpayers.

These arguments raise important questions:

  • Cost of Increased Spending: The financial feasibility of a significant spending increase is a major concern. Would it come at the expense of other essential programs?
  • Focus on China: While China is a major power, should other threats like terrorism and regional conflicts be neglected?
  • Effectiveness of “Denial Defense”: Can a purely defensive strategy deter China or would a more nuanced approach be necessary?

But again, the need for increased military spending is another complex issue. The US already spends more on its military than any other country in the world, and some argue that this spending is wasteful or inefficient. Others argue that the US needs to spend more to counter growing threats from China and Russia.

Critique of the Acquisition Process

The document criticizes the slow and inefficient process of acquiring new military equipment. It proposes reforms to:

  • Streamline decision-making to speed up the procurement process.
  • Encourage innovation and collaboration with the private sector.
  • Replenish depleted stockpiles of weapons and ammunition.

These are valid concerns. Delays and bureaucratic hurdles can hinder military readiness. However, the document doesn’t address potential drawbacks of faster acquisition, such as overlooking potential flaws in new technologies.

Conclusion

Project 2025’s chapter on the Department of Defense presents a conservative viewpoint on military reform. The document raises important questions about “wokeness” and defense spending, but its arguments lack nuance and require further evidence. It offers a valuable critique of the acquisition process but doesn’t fully explore the potential consequences of proposed solutions. A comprehensive assessment of the U.S. military requires considering diverse perspectives and conducting a thorough cost-benefit analysis before implementing major reforms.

Scary Quotes

“Reverse policies that allow transgender individuals to serve in the military. Gender dysphoria is incompatible with the demands of military service, and the use of public monies for transgender surgeries or to facilitate abortion for service members should be ended.”

“Reinstate service members to active duty who were discharged for not receiving the COVID vaccine, restore their appropriate rank, and provide back pay.” (In other words, hire back soldiers who refused direct orders.)

About the Author: Christopher Miller, who, after a brief stint as acting secretary of defense under Donald Trump, wrote a memoir in which he asserted that our military is “bloated and wasteful” and argued that we could “cut our defense budget in half and it would still be nearly twice as big as China’s,” according to

CHAPTER 5: If You Thought Trump Was Tough on Immigrants the First Time, Hold My Beer

The proposal suggests breaking up DHS or merging core immigration agencies (USCIS, ICE, CBP) into a single entity. Breaking up DHS could streamline operations but might create communication gaps. Merging agencies could improve coordination but require restructuring efforts.

The plan emphasizes prioritizing border security and immigration enforcement by allocating more resources to CBP and ICE and potentially reducing resources for other DHS functions like FEMA. This could strengthen border control but might weaken other DHS responsibilities.

Immigration Enforcement

The proposal to dismantle DHS and recreate a Border Security and Immigration Agency (BSIA) could centralize resources and streamline border security efforts. Combining CBP and ICE might improve coordination and information sharing. Among the suggestions:

  • Increasing funding for Border Patrol (BP) to hire more agents and reduce processing times for those already caught (meaning less chance of slipping through).
  • Combining Border Patrol and Air and Marine Operations (OAM) for more efficient resource deployment and better chances of interception.
  • Restarting and expanding the use of horseback patrols, which are known to be more effective in some terrains.
  • A single nationwide detention standard with less focus on detainee comfort, potentially including temporary facilities like tents.
  • Creating an authority akin to the Title 42 Public Health authority that was used during the COVID-19 pandemic to expel illegal aliens across the border immediately when certain non- health conditions are met, such as the “loss of operational control” of the border.

Leadership and Management

The proposal calls for appointing more political leaders within DHS, potentially affecting agency priorities and decision-making processes. This could lead to faster implementation of the administration’s agenda but might raise concerns about politicization of immigration enforcement.

The document emphasizes increasing transparency and sharing information with Congress. This could improve public trust but might require balancing transparency with national security concerns.

Overall Impact

The proposed changes could significantly transform DHS. Here are some potential consequences:

  • Increased Effectiveness: Stronger border security, stricter enforcement, and improved vetting could enhance national security and reduce illegal immigration.
  • Efficiency: Streamlining operations and restructuring could potentially improve efficiency and reduce costs.
  • Resource Strain: Increased enforcement and potential budget cuts for other functions could strain DHS resources.
  • Legal Challenges: Some proposed policy changes might face legal challenges, delaying implementation.
  • Public Perception: Increased enforcement and detention could lead to negative perceptions of DHS, particularly among immigrant communities.

The effectiveness of these proposals in deterring illegal immigration and improving national security is debatable.  Stricter enforcement could negatively impact certain industries reliant on immigrant labor.

Overall, the proposed reforms could significantly impact the way DHS handles immigration enforcement. While increased focus and resources could potentially strengthen border security and reduce fraud, there are potential drawbacks regarding cost, humanitarian concerns, and legal challenges.

It’s important to consider these potential consequences when evaluating the merits of these proposals.

Scary Quote

“ICE should end its current cozy deference to educational institutions and remove security risks from the program. This requires working with the Department of State to eliminate or significantly reduce the number of visas issued to foreign students from enemy nations.”

In other words, all of you foreign students protesting the U.S.’s position on Gaza now, wait until Trump becomes president again.

Further Reading

An excellent article from The Nation on Project 2025’s potential impact on immigration.

About the Author: Ken Cuccinelli, who was a top immigration official in the Trump administration, was a founding member of a group in 2007 that described undocumented immigrants as “foreign invaders” responsible for “serious infectious diseases, drug running, gang violence, human trafficking, terrorism.”

CHAPTER 6: The DOE Is Not Dear; Let’s Get Rid of It and Non-Binary Designations

“Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership” offers a conservative vision for education reform, advocating for a diminished federal role and increased local control. While the education chapter focuses on broad themes of federal overreach and bureaucratic inefficiency, a closer look also reveals its specific implications for gender equity and Title IX protections in public schools. Here’s a breakdown of the key points and their potential impact on public education:

Core Argument

The Department of Education has grown too large and bureaucratic, hindering educational progress. Federal education funding comes with excessive regulations and red tape. Decisions about education should be made closer to the students, at the state and local level.

Proposed Changes

  • Reduce the Department of Education’s role by eliminating  or transferring most of its programs to other agencies Also, convert funding into block grants with fewer restrictions for states.
  • Increase state and local control by giving states more autonomy in managing education funds and empowering families to choose schools through education savings accounts (ESAs).
  • Limit Federal Intervention by repealing or revising recent regulations on charter schools and civil rights data collection.
  • End federal student loan programs and create a new, independent loan authority.

Potential Impact on Public Education

  • Increased Inequality: Reduced federal oversight could lead to greater disparities in educational quality between states and districts with high and low resources.
  • Less Accountability: Fewer federal regulations might decrease accountability for schools and limit efforts to ensure equal opportunity for all students.
  • Shift in Funding Priorities: Block grants could provide states with more flexibility, but might also lead to a decrease in funding for specific programs like special education.
  • Impact on Choice:  Education savings accounts could expand school choice for some families, but might also divert funding from public schools. Changes to charter school regulations could affect their growth and impact on traditional public schools.
  • Student Loan Changes: Ending federal student loans could limit access to higher education for low-income students. A new loan authority might operate more efficiently, but could also make loan repayment more difficult.

Potential Impact on Gender Equality and Title IX

The document prioritizes reducing the Department of Education’s involvement, potentially weakening its enforcement of Title IX, a landmark law prohibiting sex-based discrimination in education. Title IX mandates equal opportunities in athletics, academics, and the overall school environment. The chapter’s call for fewer federal regulations could translate to a decline in investigations into sexual harassment and assault complaints. This, in turn, could disproportionately impact female students, potentially creating a chilling effect on reporting such incidents.

Furthermore, the emphasis on state and local control raises concerns about the potential for a patchwork of policies regarding gender equity. Resource-strapped districts might prioritize other areas over enforcing Title IX, leading to a decline in protections for students in those communities. Additionally, the proposal for education savings accounts (ESAs) could exacerbate existing gender disparities.

While offering school choice, ESAs might disproportionately benefit families with higher incomes, potentially leading to a flight from public schools by students from affluent backgrounds, who are often concentrated in advanced academic programs.

This could leave public schools with a higher concentration of students from disadvantaged backgrounds, further straining resources and potentially impacting the quality of education for all students, including girls.

The chapter’s focus on cost-cutting raises concerns about the potential decline in funding for programs specifically designed to address gender equity issues. Title IX compliance often requires additional resources for training staff, conducting investigations, and ensuring equal access to facilities and programs. Reduced federal funding could make it more difficult for schools to maintain these crucial resources.

However, the chapter’s emphasis on local control could also present an opportunity. Localities with a strong commitment to gender equity could leverage their newfound autonomy to develop innovative programs and initiatives tailored to their specific needs. This could lead to more effective and culturally relevant approaches to promoting gender equality in schools.

Girls Sports Are for ‘Girls’

The document goes on at length with the concerns of a conservative administration regarding recent regulations implemented by the Department of Education under the Biden Administration. Here’s a breakdown of the key points related to sex and Title IX:

  • Opposition to ‘Non-Binary’ Category: The document objects to the addition of a “non-binary” option for sex in data collection related to Title IX. It argues this addition has no legal basis and disregards parental rights.
  • Protecting Women’s Athletics: The authors criticize changes to Title IX that might disadvantage female athletes. They believe these changes could lead to unequal funding, scheduling, or access to facilities for women’s sports programs.
  • Biological Sex Definition: The authors advocate for defining “sex” under Title IX solely based on biological sex assigned at birth. They reject the inclusion of “sexual orientation” and “gender identity” within the scope of Title IX.

Overall, the proposals in Chapter 11 would significantly alter the federal role in education. The potential impact is complex, with both opportunities and risks. Increased local control could lead to innovation, but might also exacerbate existing inequalities. Some of the potential risks include:

  • Focus on Cost-Cutting over Effectiveness: The proposal prioritizes reducing federal spending over demonstrably successful education programs.
  • Ignores National Needs: A decentralized approach might neglect issues requiring national solutions, such as ensuring equal access to quality education for all students.
  • Undermines Civil Rights Protections: Changes to data collection and enforcement could weaken protections against discrimination in schools.

Scary Quote

“Ultimately, every parent should have the option to direct his or her child’s share of education funding through an education savings account (ESA), funded overwhelmingly by state and local taxpayers, which would empower parents to choose a set of education options that meet their child’s unique needs.”

Might that mean the end of public education?

About the Author: Lindsey M. Burke, Ph.D., is the director of the Center for Education Policy at the Heritage Foundation and a strong proponent of school choice.

CHAPTER 12: Clean Air? We Don’t Need No Stinkin’ Clean Air

The energy proposals in Project 2025 prioritize short-term energy production at the expense of the environment. Increased reliance on fossil fuels would worsen climate change, air quality, and overall environmental health. Investing in renewable energy, energy efficiency, and clean technologies offers a more sustainable path towards American energy security.

Chapter 12 argues for an “all of the above” energy strategy that prioritizes American energy dominance over environmental concerns. It proposes significant changes to the Department of Energy (DOE) and related agencies to achieve this goal.

Here’s a breakdown of the potential impact on climate change, clean air, sustainability, and the overall environment:

Climate Change:

  • Increased Reliance on Fossil Fuels: The proposal advocates for increased use of fossil fuels like coal, oil, and natural gas. This would lead to a significant rise in greenhouse gas emissions, accelerating climate change.
  • Reduced Funding for Renewables: The chapter proposes eliminating subsidies for renewable energy sources like solar and wind. This would hinder their development and adoption, slowing the transition away from fossil fuels.
  • Lack of Carbon Capture Technology: The proposal downplays carbon capture technology (CCT) as a viable solution for reducing emissions from fossil fuels. Without significant advancements in CCT, capturing a substantial amount of carbon dioxide remains unlikely.

Overall, the proposals in Project 2025 would significantly worsen climate change. Increased reliance on fossil fuels and reduced investment in renewables would lead to a higher global temperature, with potentially catastrophic consequences.

Clean Air

  • Increased Air Pollution: Burning fossil fuels releases pollutants like nitrogen oxides and sulfur dioxide, harming air quality. Increased reliance on these fuels would worsen air pollution, leading to respiratory problems and other health issues.
  • Reduced Focus on Methane Emissions: The proposal doesn’t emphasize controlling methane emissions, a potent greenhouse gas released from natural gas production and transportation.

These factors would negatively impact air quality, especially in areas heavily reliant on fossil fuels for energy generation.

Sustainability

  • Depletion of Fossil Fuels: Fossil fuels are finite resources, and increased consumption would accelerate their depletion. This raises concerns about long-term energy security and the need for sustainable alternatives.
  • Limited Investment in Innovation: The proposal prioritizes existing fossil fuel technologies over investment in sustainable energy sources and energy efficiency improvements. This would hinder long-term progress towards a sustainable energy future.

The proposals would prioritize short-term energy production over long-term sustainability. Depleting finite resources and neglecting innovation would create challenges for future generations.

Overall Environmental Impact

  • Increased Environmental Damage: The proposals would likely lead to increased environmental damage from air and water pollution, as well as potential accidents related to fossil fuel extraction and transportation.
  • Lack of Focus on Environmental Regulations: The proposal advocates for reduced government interference in energy production, potentially weakening environmental regulations.

The overall environmental impact would be negative. Increased reliance on fossil fuels and reduced environmental regulations would exacerbate existing environmental problems.

Alternative Solutions

The chapter focuses on maximizing energy production without considering the environmental consequences. A more balanced approach would prioritize:

  • Investment in Renewable Energy: Supporting the development and deployment of renewable energy sources like solar, wind, and geothermal is crucial for reducing reliance on fossil fuels and mitigating climate change.
  • Energy Efficiency Improvements: Investing in energy efficiency measures can significantly reduce energy consumption, lessening the overall demand for fossil fuels.
  • Research and Development: Continued research and development in clean energy technologies and carbon capture technology are essential for a sustainable energy future.
  • Environmental Regulations: Maintaining and strengthening environmental regulations are necessary to minimize the environmental impact of energy production.

Scary Quote

“Stop the war on oil and natural gas. Allow individuals, families, and businesses to use the energy resources they want to use and that will best serve their needs.”

Right, who needs restrictions on fossil fuel use, even though environmentalists argue that burning fossil fuels is a major contributor to climate change.

Funny Quote

From the party that didn’t trust science during the pandemic:

“American science dominance is critical to U.S. national security and economic strength. The next conservative President therefore needs to recommit the United States to ensuring this dominance. “

About the Author: Bernard McNamee served as a Trump-appointed commissioner for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission from 2018 until 2020 after representing the oil and gas industries for more than two decades.  He once said at a conference in Texas: “Fossil fuels are not something dirty, something we have to move and get away from. They are the key to not only our prosperity but to the quality of life … [and] also to a clean environment.”

CHAPTER: 14: Only ‘Nuclear’ Families Need Apply

Project 2025’s vision for the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) under a future Republican administration would likely have a significant impact on healthcare access, abortion rights, and family planning options in the United States. It could potentially lead to a more market-driven healthcare system, reduced access to abortion, and increased emphasis on traditional family structures. It could also limit access to healthcare for some populations, restrict parental rights in certain cases, and raise privacy concerns.

The chapter emphasizes the importance of married, two-parent families and criticizes policies promoting single motherhood or LBGTQ families. It advocates for messaging that prioritizes fathers’ engagement in child-rearing. This could potentially impact social safety net programs and messaging around family planning.

The author argues that the current HHS prioritizes “social engineering” and gender identity politics over the well-being of Americans. Here’s a breakdown of the proposed changes and their potential impact:

Restrictions on Abortion Access

  • The text implies a shift in funding away from organizations like Planned Parenthood, which offer abortion services. This would reduce access to abortion, particularly for low-income women.
  • The proposal seeks more comprehensive abortion data collection, potentially with the aim of stigmatizing abortion or using it to target abortion providers.
  • The document advocates for reversing the approval of mifepristone (abortion pill) and reinstating stricter regulations, significantly limiting access to medication abortion.

Impact on Children

  • The focus on traditional families might marginalize children from non-traditional family structures.
  • Restricting abortion access could lead to an increase in unsafe abortions and potentially more children entering the foster care system.
  • Weakened regulations on pharmaceutical companies and medical devices could expose children to potentially unsafe drugs or treatments.
  • Prioritizing  parental rights in decisions about a child’s upbringing could potentially limit children’s access to certain healthcare services or information.
  • May limit access to reproductive healthcare and sex education.
  • Could potentially strain foster care systems and increase adoption wait times.

Reduced Government Intervention

  • Advocates for less federal oversight of healthcare providers.
  • Aims to decrease regulations on drug development and testing.
  • Might lead to increased costs and potential safety concerns in the healthcare system.
  • Could limit access to affordable healthcare for low-income families.

Parental Control

  • Grants parents more control over children’s healthcare decisions.
  • Opposes vaccine mandates and school mask requirements.
  • May limit access to preventative healthcare measures and vaccinations for children.

Focus on Fetal Personhood

  • The document emphasizes the concept of “fetal personhood” from conception, potentially laying the groundwork for legal restrictions on abortion as murder.
  • The proposal seeks to protect healthcare workers who refuse to perform abortions based on religious beliefs, potentially creating barriers for women seeking care.
  • Research funding could be redirected away from studies on abortion safety and efficacy, hindering evidence-based practices.

Overall Impact

These proposals, if implemented, would likely lead to:

  • Reduced access to safe and legal abortion: Limiting funding and imposing stricter regulations would make abortion more difficult to obtain.
  • Increased risk for women: Restricted access to safe abortions could lead to a rise in unsafe procedures performed by unqualified providers.
  • Erosion of bodily autonomy: The emphasis on fetal personhood could restrict women’s right to make choices about their bodies and reproductive health.

In conclusion, Project 2025’s vision for HHS would significantly restrict abortion access and prioritize a specific ideological view of family and healthcare. The proposals raise concerns about women’s health and bodily autonomy, while also impacting public health efforts. It could also exacerbate health disparities among children from different socioeconomic backgrounds.

Scary Quotes

“The Secretary should ensure that all HHS programs and activities are rooted in a deep respect for innocent human life from day one until natural death: Abortion and euthanasia are not health care.” (Even if the mother’s health is at risk.)

“Families comprised of a married mother, father, and their children are the foundation of a well-ordered nation and healthy society. Unfortunately, family policies and programs under President Biden’s HHS are fraught with agenda items focusing on ‘LGBTQ+ equity,’ subsidizing single-motherhood, disincentivizing work, and penalizing marriage. These policies should be repealed and replaced by policies that support the formation of stable, married, nuclear families.”

About the Author: Roger Severino, a former Trump administration official at HHS, is a long-time anti-abortion crusader who also has called for removing vaccine mandates in the Head Start program and allowing for more accommodations for individuals, including doctors, who cannot take or administer vaccines because of religious beliefs.

CHAPTER 15: Dr. Ben Carson Is Back and Homes Still Won’t Be Affordable

Dr. Ben Carson, former secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, proposes major reforms at HUD aimed at reducing bureaucracy, limiting federal oversight, and promoting homeownership.

These intentions may resonate with the principles of increased efficiency and empowerment of local governments, but the potential consequences of these reforms could have significant negative repercussions for first-time homebuyers.

Making homeownership more difficult also could lead to a larger renter population, potentially driving up rental costs.

A look at how  these proposals may reshape the landscape of homeownership and the broader housing market, particularly for those seeking to enter the market for the first time.

Key Proposals and Their Implications

One of the central tenets of the proposed reforms is the reduction of reliance on Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loans. By raising mortgage insurance premiums (MIP) for FHA loans, the government may inadvertently make these loans less attractive to first-time homebuyers, who often depend on them for affordable financing.

The suggestion to limit FHA assistance solely to first-time buyers, while excluding repeat buyers, could create a bottleneck in the housing market. This restriction might prevent seasoned buyers from selling their homes, thereby constraining inventory and exacerbating the difficulties faced by newcomers to the housing market.

Additionally, the proposal calls for stricter eligibility criteria for housing assistance programs, emphasizing work requirements and time limits. Such measures could hinder the ability of first-time homebuyers to save for down payments, particularly those who rely on assistance to make the leap from renting to owning. This scenario could lead to prolonged periods of renting, trapping individuals and families in a cycle that delays homeownership and wealth accumulation.

The focus on shorter-term mortgages presents another challenge. While shorter mortgages can reduce overall interest payments, they typically result in higher monthly payments. For first-time buyers, who often have limited savings and lower income levels, this increase could render homeownership even less affordable. The pressure of higher monthly payments could dissuade many potential buyers from pursuing homeownership altogether, further shrinking the pool of new homeowners.

The proposed devolution of HUD’s functions to state and local governments could create a fragmented housing policy landscape. Each state may implement its own regulations and programs, complicating the home buying process for first-time buyers who may not be familiar with the specific rules in their regions. This patchwork of regulations could lead to confusion and inconsistency, making it harder for potential homeowners to access the support and resources they need.

Overall Impact on First-Time Homebuyers

The cumulative effect of these proposals could severely limit access to homeownership for first-time buyers. Stricter eligibility requirements and a weakened FHA program threaten to close off affordable financing options. As costs associated with FHA loans increase and the prospect of shorter mortgages looms, potential buyers may find themselves priced out of the market.

Moreover, the unintended consequences of these reforms could lead to a rise in the rental population. As homeownership becomes increasingly difficult, more individuals may choose to rent, potentially driving up rental prices due to heightened demand. This scenario could further entrench economic disparities, as those who are unable to transition into homeownership would miss out on the wealth-building opportunities that come with property ownership.

Wealth Gap Concerns

The proposed reforms, while purporting to promote homeownership, may actually exacerbate the wealth gap between homeowners and renters. Homeownership has long been recognized as a critical avenue for wealth accumulation in America, offering stability and equity-building opportunities. Limiting access to affordable homeownership through these reforms could leave many aspiring buyers without the means to invest in their futures, deepening socioeconomic divides.

Conclusion

In summary, the proposals outlined in Project 2025 represent a significant shift in HUD’s approach that, despite intentions to streamline

processes and promote homeownership, could severely disadvantage first-time homebuyers. Stricter eligibility for assistance, increased costs for FHA loans, and the promotion of shorter mortgages could collectively hinder access to the housing market for many. As such, a more balanced approach is imperative—one that truly considers the needs of first-time homebuyers and the importance of fostering an inclusive environment for all individuals seeking to achieve the American Dream of homeownership.

Without such considerations, the intended reforms risk perpetuating barriers to homeownership rather than dismantling them.

Funny Quote

“Homeownership forms the backbone of the American Dream. The purchase of a home is the largest investment most Americans will make in their lifetimes, and homeownership remains the most accessible way to build generational wealth for millions of Americans.”

Uh, then why are you making ownership more difficult for those who can least afford it?

About the Author: Dr. Ben Carson, a neurosurgeon, was sort of the invisible man during his four years as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development with the Trump administration.  The affordable crisis worsened under Carson, according to realtor.com, and the agency’s budget decreased.  His most notable accomplishment was getting caught ordering $31,000 worth of dining room furniture for his office. (He canceled the order).

CHAPTER 16: This Land Is Not Really Your Land; Drill, Baby, Drill

This chapter outlines a conservative vision for the Department of the Interior (DOI) and its impact on environmental protections and land owned by Native Americans. The author argues that the Biden administration’s policies prioritizing environmental concerns have crippled American energy independence and economic development. They propose a rollback of these policies and a return to a “multiple-use” approach that prioritizes economic activities ahead of environmental protection and long-term sustainability.

Here’s a breakdown of the key points regarding environmental protections:

  • Increased Resource Extraction: The proposal advocates for a significant increase in oil, gas, and mineral extraction on federal lands. This would likely lead to environmental damage through drilling, mining, and fracking activities.
  • Weaker Regulations: The author criticizes the Biden administration’s use of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and the Antiquities Act to limit development. They propose streamlining regulations to expedite resource extraction projects, potentially bypassing environmental impact assessments.
  • Focus on Energy Dominance: The chapter prioritizes American energy independence and economic benefits over stricter environmental regulations. This could lead to a relaxation of emissions standards and a push for technologies like coal, despite its contribution to climate change.
  • Reduced Public Land Protections: The document criticizes the “30 by 30” initiative aiming to conserve 30% of US lands and waters by 2030. It suggests a review of resource management plans to potentially remove some federal lands from protected status,

Threats to Native American Lands:

  • Uncertainty over Resource Management: The document prioritizes maximizing resource extraction on federal lands, which could conflict with tribal rights and interests in managing their traditional territories.
  • Potential for Increased Revenue: Increased resource extraction could generate revenue for some tribes that have mineral deposits on their lands. However, this could also lead to environmental degradation on tribal lands.
  • Disregard for Tribal Consultation: The proposal prioritizes streamlining permitting processes, which could limit tribal consultation on development projects that may affect their lands and resources.

Conclusion

Project 2025’s proposals for the Department of the Interior prioritize resource extraction and development over environmental protection. This could have significant negative consequences for air, water, and wildlife, as well as potentially harm the interests of Native American tribes.

Scary Quotes:

“(The new president should pursue the) restoration of the department’s historic role managing the nation’s vast storehouse of hydrocarbons, much of which is yet to be discovered.”

“(The new administration must) rescind the Biden rules and reinstate the Trump rules regarding BLM waste prevention; The Endangered Species Act rules defining Critical Habitat and Critical Habitat Exclusions; and The Migratory Bird Treaty Act; ……and … (must) reinstate President Trump’s plan for opening most of the National Petroleum Reserve of Alaska to leasing and development.”

About the Author: Former Trump Interior official William Perry led the Bureau of Land Management under Trump, although he was never confirmed by the Senate and a judge ruled that he had unlawfully served in that job.

CHAPTER 17: A Justice Department for All the People We Like

The Project 2025 proposal for the Department of Justice (DOJ) is a blueprint that raises serious concerns about its potential impact on civil rights, women, minorities, and immigrants. Under the guise of restoring the DOJ’s focus on “public safety and the rule of law,” the plan threatens to undermine decades of progress in protecting marginalized communities. The emphasis on political score-settling raises further concerns.

The document also proposes a “hard reset” for the FBI, restricting its involvement in countering misinformation and disinformation online. It argues that the government has “no business policing speech” and that such actions are reminiscent of “totalitarian dictatorships.” But the spread of misinformation and disinformation can have devastating consequences, inciting violence, eroding public trust, and undermining democratic processes. Without any government intervention, harmful falsehoods could proliferate unchecked, potentially leading to social unrest and the marginalization of already vulnerable groups.

At the same time, the document accuses the FBI of spreading misinformation, specifically citing the story surrounding Hunter Biden’s laptop as a deliberate campaign orchestrated by the FBI. It alleges that FBI personnel actively sought to discredit the authenticity of the laptop’s contents, labeling it as Russian disinformation, despite having possession of the laptop themselves.

Eroding Civil Rights Protections

The proposal’s rhetoric paints a picture of a DOJ captured by “radical Left ideologues,” leading to a loss of public trust. It uses this narrative to justify a wholesale rollback of civil rights protections. The plan explicitly targets initiatives like the Civil Rights Division, advocating for its reorganization and refocusing on a narrower scope of enforcement. This could severely limit the DOJ’s ability to address systemic discrimination in areas like housing, employment, and voting rights.

Moreover, the proposal calls for eliminating “unnecessary or outdated consent decrees.” These decrees are legal agreements that often mandate reforms in institutions found to have engaged in discriminatory practices. By dismantling these decrees, the plan could remove vital safeguards against ongoing discrimination, particularly in law enforcement and education.

Targeting Women’s Rights

The proposal’s emphasis on prosecuting abortion pill providers and distributors signals a direct attack on women’s reproductive rights. By invoking a federal law that prohibits mailing abortion-related materials, the plan seeks to criminalize access to reproductive healthcare. This could disproportionately harm women in rural areas and those with limited resources, forcing them to seek unsafe or illegal alternatives.

Additionally, the proposal’s silence on issues like gender-based violence and workplace discrimination raises concerns about its commitment to protecting women’s rights. This lack of attention could send a message that the DOJ is no longer prioritizing these critical areas of enforcement.

Silencing Minorities and Immigrants

The proposal’s focus on combating “misinformation” and “disinformation” raises alarm bells for minority communities and immigrants. While these terms may seem innocuous, they have been weaponized to silence dissenting voices and suppress legitimate concerns. This could have a chilling effect on free speech, particularly for those who rely on social media and online platforms to express their views and advocate for their rights.

Furthermore, the plan’s emphasis on immigration enforcement could lead to increased targeting and profiling of immigrant communities. By prioritizing prosecution of immigration offenses and collaborating with local law enforcement to identify “criminal aliens,” the proposal risks fostering a climate of fear and mistrust among immigrants.

Conclusion

The Project 2025 Department of Justice proposal represents a significant threat to civil rights, women, minorities, and immigrants. Its rhetoric of restoring trust and impartiality masks a deeply concerning agenda that could dismantle decades of progress in protecting marginalized communities. By curtailing civil rights enforcement, targeting reproductive healthcare, and silencing dissenting voices, the plan threatens to erode the very fabric of our democracy. It is crucial for all Americans to understand the potential consequences of this proposal and engage in a vigorous public debate to ensure that the DOJ remains a defender of justice and equality for all.

Scary Quote

“The Civil Rights Division should spend its first year under the next Administration using the full force of federal prosecutorial resources to investigate and prosecute all state and local governments, institutions of higher education, corporations, and any other private employers who are engaged in discrimination in violation of constitutional and legal requirements.”

(Uh, yeah, it sounds like a good proposal, but in the conservative world this means investigating those who challenge right-wing point-of-views.)

About the Author: Gene  Hamilton is the vice-president and general counsel of the America First Legal Foundation, an organization founded by Stephen Miller, one of Trump’s closest advisers who was largely responsible for some of the administration’s most draconian  policies,  including the Muslim ban and family separations at the border. Miller denies any involvement with Project 2025.

CHAPTER 18: We Are the Party of (White, Non-Union) Workers

Project 2025’s proposed labor reforms signal a significant shift in the American workplace, with potentially sweeping consequences for unions and diversity. The plan, framed as a return to “The Conservative Promise,” aims to empower individual workers and strengthen families, but it simultaneously seeks to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and curtail union power.

The proposed changes include eliminating racial classification data collection and critical race theory training, potentially leaving systemic discrimination unchecked. Unions would face increased scrutiny, restrictions on organizing tactics, and potential for weakened bargaining power.

The plan touts support for workers and families, but critics argue these reforms could disproportionately harm marginalized groups and erode hard-won labor protections, leaving workers more vulnerable to exploitation and widening existing inequalities.

What It Means for Unions

The plan’s emphasis on individual worker empowerment and family-centered policies casts a shadow over organized labor. Key proposals, such as the elimination of “card check” unionization and the “contract bar” rule, coupled with potential waivers for state and local governments to bypass federal labor laws, could significantly weaken unions’ ability to organize and bargain effectively.

These measures align with a broader conservative agenda to reduce union power, which could leave workers more reliant on individual negotiation and potentially vulnerable to employer overreach.

The proposal to increase financial disclosure requirements for unions, while presented as a transparency measure, could be perceived as an additional burden aimed at undermining public trust in unions. Additionally, the focus on addressing unions’ “duty of fair representation” concerning political activities could further limit unions’ ability to advocate for broader social and economic issues that impact their members.

Diversity Initiatives Dismantled

Project 2025’s disdain for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives is clear. It proposes eliminating racial classification data collection and critical race theory training, arguing that they promote discrimination.

This move could make it harder to identify and address systemic inequalities in the workplace. The elimination of disparate impact liability, a legal theory used to challenge practices that disproportionately harm certain groups, could further hinder efforts to create equitable workplaces.

The plan’s stance on LGBTQ+ rights is equally alarming. By restricting the application of the Bostock v. Clayton County decision, it aims to narrow protections for LGBTQ+ workers. While emphasizing religious freedom for employers, it risks opening the door to discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. This could create hostile work environments for LGBTQ+ individuals and reverse hard-won progress in workplace equality.

A Precarious Future for Workers

Despite the rhetoric of empowering workers, Project 2025’s proposals could leave many vulnerable. Its push for deregulation and reduced federal oversight could weaken enforcement of labor laws, leaving workers more susceptible to wage theft, unsafe working conditions, and other abuses. The emphasis on state-level waivers could lead to a patchwork of worker protections, with some states offering far less security than others.

The plan’s focus on “family-sustaining jobs” is laudable, but it fails to acknowledge the diversity of modern families. Its emphasis on traditional gender roles and opposition to abortion access could disproportionately harm women and families who rely on comprehensive reproductive healthcare.

Moreover, the proposed restrictions on immigration could exacerbate labor shortages in certain sectors, potentially leading to higher prices for consumers. The plan’s emphasis on hiring American workers, while appealing to some, could also limit opportunities for immigrants and refugees seeking a better life in the U.S.

Conclusion

From a labor perspective, Project 2025’s DOL chapter paints a bleak picture for unions and diversity. It may appeal to some who prioritize deregulation and traditional family values, but its potential impact on workers’ rights, workplace equity, and the overall well-being of the American workforce is deeply concerning.

Journalists have a duty to scrutinize these proposals and hold policymakers accountable for their potential consequences. The future of American labor is at stake, and we must ensure that any changes to labor policy truly benefit all workers, regardless of their background or beliefs.

Scary Quotes

“Crudely categorizing employees by race or ethnicity fails to recognize the diversity of the American workforce and forces individuals into categories that do not fully reflect their racial and ethnic heritage.” (In other words, we don’t need to collect all this data for monitoring equal opportunity and identifying disparities.)

“The President should issue an executive order banning, and Congress should pass a law prohibiting the federal government from using taxpayer dollars to fund, all critical race theory training (CRT).” (Enough said?)

“The next Administration should make new options available to workers and push Congress to pass labor reforms that create non-union ‘employee involvement organizations’ as well as a mechanism for worker representation on corporate boards. “ (We don’t need no stinking’ unions.)

About the Author: Jonathan Berry, an attorney, led the Labor Department’s regulatory office under Trump. During that time, Berry helped deny guaranteed overtime pay to millions of people and made it harder for workers to hold companies like McDonald’s liable for actions taken by individual stores.

CHAPTER 22: All Our Axes Are Used on Taxes

Project 2025’s blueprint for the Treasury Department under a potential future Republican administration proposes a radical shift in economic policy. Its ambitious goals and far-reaching proposals, aimed at fostering economic growth and reducing regulatory burdens, hold significant implications for the average taxpayer and minority groups.

The heart of Project 2025’s Treasury plan lies in tax reform, with a focus on reducing marginal tax rates, minimizing the cost of capital, and simplifying the tax code. The proposed two-rate individual tax system (15% and 30%) and a reduction in the corporate income tax to 18% are aimed at stimulating investment and job creation.

For the average taxpayer, these changes could translate to lower tax bills and increased disposable income. However, the elimination of most deductions, credits, and exclusions raises concerns for those who benefit from these provisions, such as homeowners deducting mortgage interest or families claiming child tax credits.

Minorities, who often have lower incomes and rely on tax credits like the Earned Income Tax Credit, might be disproportionately affected by the elimination of these provisions. While the project envisions a simplified tax code reducing compliance costs, the potential loss of these crucial credits could offset any benefits from lower tax rates.

Universal Savings Accounts: A Mixed Bag

The proposal for Universal Savings Accounts (USAs) aims to incentivize savings and investment, offering tax-free growth and withdrawals for various purposes. This could benefit individuals across income levels, including minorities, by promoting financial security and wealth accumulation.

However, the potential for higher-income earners to disproportionately benefit from the $15,000 annual contribution limit (adjusted for inflation) raises concerns about exacerbating wealth inequality. The impact on lower-income individuals and minorities, who may struggle to contribute the maximum amount, remains uncertain.

Impact on Minorities and Low-Income Communities

The proposed elimination of the “equity agenda” and initiatives focused on racial equity raises concerns about the potential adverse impact on minority communities. These initiatives were designed to address systemic inequalities in access to financial services and economic opportunity. Their removal could disproportionately harm minorities and low-income individuals, who often face greater barriers to financial inclusion.

Furthermore, the rollback of consumer protection regulations could leave vulnerable populations more susceptible to predatory financial practices. For instance, the elimination of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), as advocated by some Project 2025 contributors, could weaken safeguards against discriminatory lending and other abusive practices.

How the Ultra-Wealthy Could Benefit

  • Reduced Corporate Income Tax Rate: A reduction in the corporate income tax rate from 21% to 18% could significantly benefit wealthy individuals who own businesses or have substantial investments in corporate stocks.
  • Reduced Tax on Capital Gains and Dividends: The proposal to tax capital gains and dividends at 15% (down from the current top rate of 20%) would significantly benefit high-income earners who derive a large portion of their income from investments.
  • Changes to Estate Tax: Reducing the estate tax rate to 20% and increasing the exemption amount would primarily benefit ultra-wealthy individuals who would otherwise face a substantial estate tax liability.
  • Repeal of the Net Investment Income Surtax: This would be a direct tax cut for high-income earners who have significant investment income.

International Engagement: A Retreat from Global Leadership

The proposed withdrawal from international organizations like the OECD and the IMF, along with the termination of U.S. financial contributions, signals a retreat from global leadership. While these organizations have their flaws, they play a crucial role in promoting international cooperation on economic and financial issues. The U.S. withdrawal could undermine global efforts to address challenges like climate change, financial instability, and poverty.

Conclusion

Project 2025’s Treasury Department proposals represent a bold and controversial agenda. While some reforms could simplify the tax code, encourage entrepreneurship, and reduce regulatory burdens, others raise concerns about fairness, financial stability, and the potential for exacerbating existing inequalities.

The impact on the average taxpayer and minorities would be mixed. Some taxpayers could benefit from lower tax rates and simplified rules, while others could face higher tax burdens due to the elimination of deductions. The dismantling of equity initiatives and consumer protection regulations could disproportionately harm minorities and low-income communities.

Ultimately, the success or failure of these proposals would depend on their implementation and the broader economic and political context. Careful consideration and robust debate are essential to ensure that any reforms promote economic growth and opportunity for all Americans, not just the privileged few.

Scary Quote

“To reduce this tax bias against wages (as opposed to employee benefits), the next Administration should set a meaningful cap (no higher than $12,000 per year per full-time equivalent employee—and preferably lower) on untaxed benefits that employers can claim as deductions.” (Will employers reduce benefits like health insurance or retirement contributions to avoid exceeding the cap, potentially leaving employees with less financial security?)

Misleading Quote

“In 2022, the average American’s 401(k) plan dropped in value from $130,700 to $103,900—more than 20 percent.” (The documents uses the low point of the Dow under Biden, which would be comparable to using Trump’s Dow performance in the low point of the pandemic.  Overall, the Dow has grown more than 40 percent since the day Biden was elected.)

                 cccs: Stephen Moore, one of the authors of this chapter, has called white males “the oppressed minorities on college campuses;” he argued against equal pay for women in sports and other fields; he wrote that Black women are replacing men with “welfare checks,” and on and on. His nomination by Trump for the Fed’s board of governors was withdrawn after his writings were revealed. William L. Walton, the founder and chairman of Rappahannock Ventures LLC, a private equity firm, and David Burton, a Senior Fellow of Economic Policy at Heritage Foundation, are co-authors.

CHAPTER 24: Federal Reserve Reforms Could Be a Real Turkey

A deep dive into Project 2025’s Federal Reserve proposals reveals a high-stakes gamble with America’s economic future. While aiming to curb inflation and enhance predictability, these sweeping reforms risk mirroring Turkey’s recent economic turmoil, raising the specter of political interference, soaring inflation, and a hobbled central bank.

Could this end the Fed’s independence, and what would that mean for everyday Americans?

Project 2025 emphasizes the need for a more stable and predictable monetary policy by advocating for eliminating the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate. Currently, that currently includes both price stability and maximum employment. This shift aims to mitigate economic turmoil by reducing inflationary pressures. However, it also risks making the Federal Reserve less responsive to economic downturns, potentially exacerbating unemployment during recessions.

The world has observed a similar situation in Turkey: President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has exerted significant influence over the central bank’s policies. Erdoğan’s focus on keeping interest rates low has led to severe economic instability. The resulting inflation has eroded purchasing power, increased the cost of living, and undermined economic confidence. Turkey’s situation highlights the potential danger of political interference in central bank policies, which can lead to suboptimal economic outcomes.

Another significant recommendation in Project 2025 is to limit the Federal Reserve’s lender-of-last-resort (LOLR) function. While this aims to reduce moral hazard, it could also make the financial system more vulnerable during crises. In Turkey, the central bank’s limited ability to act independently has hindered its ability to stabilize the economy during turbulent times. The 2008 financial crisis in the U.S. demonstrated the importance of the LOLR function in preventing a complete financial collapse. Restricting this function could leave the economy more exposed to financial shocks.

The chapter also proposes winding down the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet and restricting future balance sheet expansions to U.S. Treasuries. This would limit the Fed’s ability to influence the economy through large-scale asset purchases.

Turkey’s experience with a constrained central bank shows the risks of reducing monetary policy tools. Limited flexibility in responding to economic shocks can lead to prolonged periods of economic distress, as seen in Turkey’s ongoing economic challenges.

Potential Impact on the Power of the Presidency

The proposed reforms could significantly increase the power of the presidency and Congress over monetary policy. By advocating for Congress to impose stricter limits on the Federal Reserve’s mandate and operations, Project 2025 suggests a shift away from the Fed’s political independence. Historically, the Federal Reserve’s independence has been crucial in insulating monetary policy from short-term political pressures, allowing for decisions prioritizing long-term economic health over immediate political gains.

In Turkey, President Erdoğan’s control over the central bank has led to decisions that align with political goals rather than economic stability. This has resulted in high inflation, currency depreciation, and a loss of investor confidence. Similarly, if the U.S. Federal Reserve’s independence is compromised, monetary policy could become a tool for political agendas, undermining its ability to manage the economy effectively.

The proposal to eliminate the Fed’s focus on employment and to restrict its regulatory activities to maintaining bank capital adequacy further aligns monetary policy with fiscal policy, which elected officials directly control. This alignment could lead to a scenario where monetary policy becomes driven by political considerations, as seen in Turkey. Such a shift could result in policies prioritizing short-term political gains over long-term economic stability, leading to adverse economic outcomes.

Additionally, the chapter’s support for free banking or a return to a commodity-backed currency reflects a broader push toward reducing federal oversight in monetary matters. Free banking, where the government controls neither interest rates nor money supply, could increase economic volatility.

Historical examples of free banking show that while such systems can minimize inflation, they also require robust regulatory frameworks to prevent irresponsible banking practices. Turkey’s economic volatility and inflation struggles underscore the risks associated with reduced central bank oversight.

Conclusion

The proposals in Project 2025’s chapter on the Federal Reserve represent a radical shift in monetary policy and governance. While the aim is to create a more stable and predictable monetary system, the potential risks include reduced responsiveness to economic downturns, increased financial vulnerability, and the erosion of the Federal Reserve’s political independence.

By increasing the influence of the presidency and Congress over monetary policy, these reforms could undermine the Fed’s ability to manage the economy effectively and impartially. Comparing these proposals with Turkey’s recent monetary policy experience highlights the dangers of political interference in central bank operations and the potential for adverse economic outcomes.

The proposed changes might address specific economic issues, but they also introduce significant risks that could have far-reaching implications for the U.S. monetary system and broader financial stability.

Scary Quote

“Transitioning to free banking would require political authorities, including Congress and the President, to coordinate on multiple reforms simultaneously. Getting any of them wrong could imbalance an otherwise functional system.” (Yeah, do we really want to risk becoming another Turkey? That bird won’t fly.)

About the Author: Paul Winfree, Ph.D., served in three roles in Trump’s White House in 2017: deputy assistant to the president for domestic policy, deputy director of the Domestic Policy Council, and director of budget policy. He was also a member of the Trump transition team.

CHAPTER 26: Lowering the Boom on Chinese, Raising Prices on You

In chapter 26 of Project 2025, author Peter Navarro makes the case for fair trade.  He paints a bleak picture of the current global trade landscape, dominated by unfair practices, mercantilism, and the looming threat of China’s economic aggression. While his proposed solutions aim to revitalize American manufacturing and bolster national security, the potential impact on consumer prices remains a critical concern.

Navarro’s central argument revolves around the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) “most favored nation” (MFN) rule, which he claims has been systematically exploited to the detriment of American industries. The MFN rule mandates that the lowest tariffs applied to one country must be extended to all WTO members. That has led to the U.S. facing higher tariffs from many nations than it reciprocates. Navarro maintains that the policy has resulted in chronic trade deficits, hampered GDP growth, suppressed wages, and increased foreign debt.

Furthermore, Navarro highlights the existential threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party and its arsenal of mercantilist and protectionist policies. China’s aggressive economic tactics – ranging from dumping and intellectual property theft to currency manipulation and forced technology transfer – have significantly distorted global trade dynamics.

Navarro advocates for a radical overhaul of U.S. trade policy to counter these challenges. He calls for abandoning the MFN rule, the onshoring of manufacturing, and a more aggressive stance against China’s economic aggression. While these measures aim to revitalize American industry and reduce dependence on fragile global supply chains, their potential impact on consumer prices could be substantial.

The abandonment of the MFN rule and the imposition of higher tariffs on a broader range of goods could significantly increase the cost of imported products. This could translate into higher prices for a wide range of consumer goods, from electronics and clothing to food and automobiles. Moreover, onshoring manufacturing, while potentially boosting domestic employment, could also increase production costs due to higher wages and stricter regulations. These increased costs could further drive up consumer prices.

Here are several ways Navarro’s proposals could have a direct impact on consumer prices:

Tariff Impositions

  1. Increased Costs of Imports: The immediate impact of imposing tariffs on Chinese imports would be an increase in the cost of goods that American consumers purchase. China is a significant supplier of various consumer products, from electronics to clothing. Tariffs would make these imports more expensive, and businesses are likely to pass these additional costs onto consumers, resulting in higher prices in the retail market.
  2. Substitution Effect: As tariffs make Chinese products more expensive, consumers might shift their demand to alternative sources, potentially domestic producers or other countries not subject to tariffs. However, if these alternatives are more costly or less efficient, the overall effect could still be increased consumer prices.

Supply Chain Disruptions

  1. Short-term Disruptions: Transitioning away from reliance on Chinese manufacturing could disrupt existing supply chains. Many American companies have intricate supply networks intertwined with Chinese suppliers. Disruptions could lead to temporary shortages or delays, further pushing up prices as supply fails to meet demand.
  2. Long-term Adjustments: Businesses might adjust their supply chains over time to reduce dependency on China. However, this adjustment comes with costs associated with finding new suppliers, establishing new logistics networks, and potential inefficiencies during the transition period. These costs could be reflected in consumer prices for an extended period.

Domestic Production Incentives

  1. Higher Production Costs: While incentivizing domestic production aims to reduce foreign dependency, production costs in the U.S. are typically higher due to labor costs, regulatory standards, and other factors. If businesses relocate production back to the U.S., these higher costs are likely to result in higher consumer prices compared to cheaper imported goods.
  2. Innovation and Efficiency Gains: On a positive note, increased domestic production might spur innovation and improvements in efficiency over time. Investments in automation, advanced manufacturing technologies, and economies of scale could mitigate some of the cost increases. However, these benefits would take time to materialize and might not fully offset the initial rise in consumer prices.

The potential inflationary pressures resulting from Navarro’s proposals are a cause for concern. Higher consumer prices could erode purchasing power, reduce living standards, and disproportionately affect low-income households. Moreover, the increased cost of imported goods could trigger retaliatory tariffs from other countries, sparking a trade war that could further disrupt global supply chains and exacerbate inflationary pressures.

The intention behind these proposals may be to protect and boost the U.S. economy, the transition period is likely to be marked by higher consumer prices. Long-term benefits, such as increased domestic production capacity, innovation, and potential trade advantages, might mitigate some of these costs. However, the path to achieving these benefits is fraught with challenges and uncertainties. Policymakers must carefully consider these factors and balance protecting national economic interests with minimizing adverse effects on consumers.

Scary Quote

(Not from the document, but from the publication Media Matters)

“Economists have said that heavier tariffs on China, pushed by Navarro in his 31-page passage in the Project 2025 policy book Mandate for Leadership: A Conservative Promise and endorsed by Trump, would worsen inflation. Sixteen Nobel prize-winning economists additionally signed a letter last month warning that Trump’s dangerous economic policies would “reignite” inflation and undermine the strength of the American economy.”c

About the Author: Peter Navarro, Trump’s Director of Trade and Manufacturing, was convicted of contempt of Congress for refusing a congressional subpoena.  He was released from prison in time to deliver a speech at the Republican National Convention.

CHAPTER 29: A Blueprint for Partisan Elections?

This chapter proposes a partisan transformation of the Federal Election Commission (FEC), potentially shifting the balance of American elections by prioritizing less regulation and weakening enforcement of campaign finance laws. These changes could amplify the influence of wealthy donors, undermine grassroots campaigns, and reshape the future of American elections.

A central theme in Project 2025 is the emphasis on appointing FEC commissioners who share a specific ideological viewpoint, favoring less regulation and a narrower interpretation of campaign finance laws. This approach could lead to a significant shift in the FEC’s enforcement priorities, potentially creating a more permissive environment for campaign spending and fundraising activities.

Such a partisan FEC could have a profound impact on elections. Relaxing enforcement and interpretation of campaign finance laws could empower wealthy donors and special interest groups, giving them greater influence over the electoral process. This could disadvantage grassroots candidates and those who rely on small donations, potentially tilting the playing field in favor of well-funded campaigns.

A Shield for Campaign Finance Violations?

Project 2025 also proposes restricting the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) role in prosecuting campaign finance violations, further weakening enforcement efforts and making it more difficult to hold campaigns accountable for illegal activities. The proposal to prioritize FEC interpretations over those of the DOJ could create loopholes and inconsistencies, potentially allowing some violations to go unpunished.

The consequences for elections could be severe. A less aggressive DOJ could embolden campaigns to push the boundaries of legality, knowing that the risk of prosecution is reduced. This practice could undermine public trust in the integrity of elections and create an environment where campaign finance laws are viewed as toothless.

A Tool for Political Advantage?

The proposals in Project 2025 paint a picture of an FEC that is less independent, more partisan, and less effective in regulating campaign finance. This could transform the FEC from a watchdog into a tool for political advantage, with potentially far-reaching consequences for American democracy.

If implemented, these proposals could lead to a significant increase in the influence of money in politics, further entrenching the power of wealthy donors and special interests. This could erode the principle of “one person, one vote,” making elections less about the will of the people and more about the financial resources of the candidates.

Conclusion

Project 2025’s vision for the FEC raises serious concerns about the future of campaign finance regulation and its impact on elections. While proponents argue that these changes would promote free speech and reduce unnecessary regulation, critics fear they would open the door to corruption and undue influence.

The stakes are high. The FEC plays a crucial role in ensuring the integrity and fairness of elections. Any changes to its structure, powers, or priorities should be approached with caution and a deep understanding of the potential consequences for American democracy.

Scary Quotes

“Contribution limits should generally be much higher, as they hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anti-corruption purpose.” (After all, the rich can’t spend ALL their money buying Supreme Court justices. Let’s spread it around.”

About the Author: During Hans von Spakovsky’s four-year tenure in the Justice Department, he argued against re-authorizing the Voting Rights Act in 2006. More than half of the career staff left the voting section in protest over his attempts to make voting more difficult for minorities, people with low incomes and Democrats.




Chapter 5: The ‘Burden’ of Character Development

(Excerpted from “A Placed Called WriterL: Where the Conversation Was Always About Literary Journalism” copyright 2022 Jon Franklin, Lynn Franklin and Stuart Warner)

Photo of Michael Green by Eustacio Humphrey/The Plain Dealer 2002

Before Christmas of 2002, WriterL member Deborah Robson wrote an excellent critique of the writing techniques Connie Schultz used to develop the characters in her five-day, 25,000-word series “Burden of Innocence,” published in The Plain Dealer in Cleveland earlier that year. A Black man, Michael Green, spent 13 years in prison after he was falsely convicted of rape. Schultz followed him for a year after he was released. When the WriterL posting began again after the holiday break, Lynn Franklin wanted to pick up that discussion. Publisher and author Sol Stein along with Schultz, her editor Stuart Warner, and freelance writers M. Bozena Syska and Liz Duffrin and Jon Franklin provided a lively conversation about character development

Lynn Franklin: One of the things Deb mentioned was that Connie had managed to make all of the characters, even minor ones, three-dimensional.

People often ask me how one creates well-rounded characters, which would make it a good topic for discussion.  Connie, could you tell us a little bit about how you did this?  Were you consciously aware of the need to show all aspects of your characters, to make them real people?  What details were you looking for in order to do this?

M. Bozena Syska: Could we start at the basics and define what makes a “three-dimensional character” or a “well-rounded character”?

Lynn Franklin: Bozena’s question sent me scurrying through our writing books, looking for a good definition.  The most helpful came from Edith Wharton’s “The Writing of Fiction.”  Originally published in 1924, it’s not a classic how-to book, but more of a series of essays on fiction at that time.

Wharton began the book talking about changes in fiction.  Here is what she said about characters:  “The next advance was made when the protagonists of this new inner drama were transformed from conventionalized puppets – the hero, the heroine, the villain, the heavy father and so on – into breathing and recognizable human beings.”

She goes on to describe recognizable characters as “… never types … but always sharply differentiated and particular human beings.”

So in the case of “Burden of Innocence,” Michael [Green] is not just “the hero.”  He is a real human being, with real human angers, frustrations, successes and failures.  Connie shows him changing from an angry young man into a mature adult, able to confront both the good and the bad in society.

Connie’s characterization of Michael is much deeper than, say, the classic fictional hard-boiled detectives, who tend to exist only on one level.  Another example of shallow characterization is Harry Potter’s cousin in the first book of the series (I haven’t read the others so don’t know if the cousin is ever developed).  All we see of Harry’s cousin is a spoiled, domineering tattletale.  He is more of a caricature than a character.

Many – if not most – popular fiction, television and movie characters exist in a single dimension.  This makes it difficult to recognize when we’re falling into the same trap in narrative journalism.

Sol Stein: Here are a number of craft ideas for creating characters readers cotton onto:

1.  Try to find an eccentricity that characterizes.  Most of the protagonists of fiction that have survived the century have more than a touch of eccentricity.  It’s the one characteristic they have in common, though each eccentricity is different.

2.  Pick a particularity and compare it to a known quantity.  For example, “Archibald was Wilt Chamberlain tall.” Another way of doing it: “Frank is so tall he entered the room as if he expected the lintel to hit him, looking like a man with a perpetually stiff neck.”

3.  Exaggeration of truthful attributes:  “This distributor had a lawyer so short you wouldn’t be able to see him if he sat behind a desk.  And he was Yul Brynner bald.  But when he shook your hand you knew this fellow could squeeze an apple into apple juice.”

Another: “She stood sideways so people could see how thin she was.”

4.  Pick on a part of a face or body. “It was difficult to make eye contact with her.  She seemed to be looking for spots on the wall.”

5.  Characterize through an action. Example:  “The mayor moved through the crowd as if he were a basketball player determined to bounce his way to the basket.” Another: “He moved slowly across the room, age and arthritis made him seem brittle, but when he spoke – anywhere about anything – people stopped to listen as if Moses had come down with new commandments.”

You can characterize a place.  I did a short piece for Ogonyok, the Time magazine of Russia, on 9/11.  I assumed most of the readers hadn’t been to New York and the photos they’d seen did not give a picture of its overall vulnerability, not just the tall buildings.  I characterized New York City as it might be seen from above, a skinny island with tentacles, the bridges and tunnels reaching out in all directions.  

Connie Schultz: I was thrilled to see Sol Stein weigh in on character development before I could answer Lynn’s question because, unbeknownst to Mr. Stein, I am a devotee of his. I frequently turn to his book, “Stein on Writing”  to jump start my own writing, and did so a lot while I was working on the “Burden of Innocence” series. I have shared his Chapter 12, “How to Show Instead of Tell,” with many of my colleagues, and it was my guide in developing my characters in a way that allowed them to move the story along.

It helped that I had an astute editor in Stuart Warner. Over the course of the writing, I frequently asked Stuart to fine-tune his radar for any signs of my romanticizing the main characters, particularly Michael. I knew that, were he and the others not fully human, their story would not be believable and I would have lapsed into melodrama. This was particularly challenging because the story was inherently dramatic.

Fortunately, Stuart was ever vigilant.

One of Stuart’s other strengths as an editor is his ability to see the overall arc of a story. One of my strengths is noticing what makes a person an individual. I apparently have an ear for cadence, which Stuart pointed out to me toward the end of the project. I often read aloud to “hear” the story, and Stuart said my voice, inflections and mannerisms were different for each of the characters, which I hadn’t even noticed. He was right. I had spent so much time with these people that I really did know their mannerisms and speech patterns. I also learned over time what was predictable behavior for them and what was unusual, perhaps even staged, which helped me know what to trust and what to leave out.

On rereading the above I realize that what I am really emphasizing here is spending time with people. As I’ve said in an earlier dispatch, I often sat on the floor, out of everyone’s line of vision. That allowed me to come as close to invisible as is humanly possible for a reporter, and then I would shut up and watch. I tend to write down everything I notice and not worry that I don’t yet know what matters and what is discardable. That comes later, when I’ve taken enough notes to see what surfaces as habitual behavior.

One of Stuart’s hard-and-fast rules for me stated at the very outset of reporting was that I could never say a character was feeling something. I had to show it, and that meant I had to really get to know the characters so that I could adequately interpret their actions and then describe them in a way that allowed readers to feel they knew what was in those characters’ heads.

Jon Franklin: This is well put, and since it’s a topic that perhaps more than other gives people fits, I hope she will go into this a little more.  If you can’t simply say a person “feels bad” or “is happy,” then what do you say to show it?

Connie Schultz: Showing how a character was feeling, rather than simply saying it, was the single greatest challenge for me on the series. Repeatedly, my editor, Stuart Warner, would read a section and scrawl in the margin: “Show us this.” Excruciating. Infuriating. Exhilarating, when I finally got it.

Here are a couple of examples:

Example No. 1

The main character, Michael Green, faced the parole board four times and each time refused to confess to the rape that sent him to prison. He did this knowing that such an admission was the only way the parole board would release him early, but he refused because he was innocent.

I wanted to show his courage at this juncture, and so I spent hours interviewing him over and over again about that last walk to the parole board. I visited the prison and asked officials to take me on the exact walk Michael took, from his bunk to the parole board hearing room, at the exact time he made that walk. I wanted readers to feel his conflict and lack of freedom, and experience his resolve. Here’s the final version of that walk:

“On a sunny spring afternoon in 1999, Michael walked out of the prison pod door and squinted as he faced the winding path that cut across the yard of the Grafton Correctional Institution.

“His steps were slow and deliberate as he trudged the hundred paces or so to D Building. He looked around as he walked, taking in the expanse of grass where he was not allowed to step, the tidy beds of flowers he could not touch. He tilted his head just right so he could catch a glimpse of clear blue sky unmarred by the unforgiving loops of razor wire that had kept him caged for the last 11 years.

“He could walk this route at Grafton with his eyes closed. He walked this way to the lunchroom and adult education classes, to the gym and the Braille lab.

“Guards constantly monitored the path, barking at inmates: ‘Keep moving. Keep moving. Keep moving.’

“Today, it could also be the path to freedom. In D Building, the two parole board members were waiting.

“Michael had not served even half the 25-year sentence. Three times the parole board told him confessing to the 1988 rape and enrolling in the prison’s sex offenders program was the only way he’d get out before 2013.  Three times, he said no.

“If he gave them a different answer this time, he could get out early.

“If he served the entire sentence, Michael would be 48 years old and have spent more than half his life in prison by the time he got out. ‘I don’t know how much more of this I can take,’ he told his sobbing mother, Annie Mandell, on the phone.

“The double doors to D Building were now in clear view. All Michael had to do was walk through them, look the two parole board members in the eyes and say, ‘All right, yes. Yes, I raped that woman.’

“A confession might get him out of prison, but he would never be free. He would be labeled a sexual predator and have to report to authorities every three months for the rest of his life. Neighbors and colleagues would be warned about him everywhere he went, anywhere in the country.

“It would be just another kind of prison. A prison with no parole, no escape, until the day he died.

“‘Progress, not regress,’ [fellow inmate] Arthur Freeman used to tell him. ‘The only way to go is to continue. Things will work out. That’s the spirit of innocence.’

“A guard buzzed Michael into D Building. Another ordered him to sit in the visitors room until he was called.

“Michael sat in the chair nearest the door and waited for a half-hour before he was ushered into tiny, windowless Room 294.

“Michael sat in the chair opposite the two women behind the table.

“‘Do what you’re going to do, he said. ‘You know you’re not going to parole me. You already know what you’re going to do.’

“One of them asked if he was willing to admit to the crime.

“Michael shook his head.

“‘I’m not confessing to something I did not do.’

“For the fourth time, the parole board rejected him.”

Example No. 2

When Michael first got out of prison, he was terrified that he could be picked up by police at whim and thrown back into prison. I wanted to show this fear, because it was real and he was constantly voicing it to me, which were quotes I couldn’t use. Then I found out about his first night out, when he couldn’t quite bring himself to leave the fenced-in area of his parents’ house. First Michael told me about it, then I asked his stepfather to describe that moment and his description was virtually identical to Michael’s. I interviewed them both about it several more times over a period of months, just to be sure the stories remained consistent.

This is the final version of the passage:

“The crowd didn’t disperse until after midnight. Michael joined his stepfather on the porch. They looked at each other and smiled. ‘Go ahead, son,’ Mandell said, pointing to the street.

“Michael walked down the front steps and stopped at the chain-link fence.

“He reached toward the gate, hesitated, pulled back.

“He reached again, pulled back.

“His stepfather winced as he watched. ‘It’s all right, son. You won’t be electrocuted. It’s just a fence, a plain old fence.’

“Michael smiled sheepishly. ‘This is far enough for now,’ he said, turning back toward the house. ‘Maybe later.’

“Man, to take a late-night walk through the old neighborhood. He used to do that all the time. He would stomp through the tangle of weeds and wildflowers on vacant lots, breathe in deep as he wove in and out of the cool, musty woods along Martin Luther King Jr. Drive.

“But he didn’t have a single piece of identification on him, nothing to distinguish him from any other Black man the cops might feel like picking up. No one could talk him out of that fear.

“Michael walked back up the steps.

“‘Tomorrow, Pops,’ he said. ‘Maybe I’ll take a walk tomorrow.'”

Lisa (last name withheld): Perhaps the answer (to character development) lies in an old reporting exercise. I’ve benefited greatly over the years from the exercise of asking myself “How do you know?” in nearly every story (aka “prove it”). And I think it applies as much to writing as to reporting. How do you know he’s happy?

  1. He broke into a deep, satisfying smile that didn’t entirely leave his face for hours.
  2. He whistled.
  3. Jokes were made.
  4. Friends like to hang around him because they always seem to have a good time when he’s there.

That’s how you show it and not tell it.

Stuart Warner: I don’t mean to argue with what Lisa said as much as to augment it.  I believe we have to be even more vigilant in the unattributed narrative because we are asking for a lot of trust from our readers. If you say that smile didn’t entirely leave his face for hours, then you should have been there to see it didn’t go away. Or at least confirm with two sources that it didn’t. If we say friends “seem” to have a good time, again, we better confirm that they enjoy his company. Better yet, show their actions of having a good time.  Or repeat the jokes that were made.  Such is the burden of the nonfiction narrative writer.  If you say the sky was blue and you weren’t there, you darn sure better have the weather report from that exact moment in time because somebody, somewhere is going to remember.

Liz Duffrin: I have questions for Connie Schultz. How do you get the subjects of your narrative to recall events in such vivid detail? For instance, how did you find out that Michael’s stepfather winced as he watched his stepson reach his hand toward the gate? How do you know that Michael’s smile was sheepish or that he tilted his head just right to catch an unobstructed glimpse of sky? Did you have them act it out? Do you have a particular technique for questioning them?  And how on earth do you get people to put up with you while you squeeze that kind of detail out of them?

Connie Schultz: Whenever possible, I actually do ask the subjects to act out a scenario when all involved agree happened. For example, Michael and his stepfather agreed to walk outside with me and show me how that evening’s moment at the fence unfolded. Understand, however, that this is not something I asked of them early on. I spent months just hanging out, quietly taking notes and asking questions sparingly at times so as not to alienate them or make them acutely aware of this reporter’s presence at all times. By the time they reenacted the fence scene, I had known them for months, and they had grown accustomed to my questions and appreciated my desire to get it exactly right.

I had earned their trust and engaged them in the effort to portray as accurately as possible their story, not mine. Also, I knew them well enough at that point to expect certain facial expressions and body gestures. I was familiar with their physical quirks, if you will, having studied them for nearly a year.

I had to smile at the question regarding how I get people to put up with me. It really is a matter of earning their trust and then encouraging them to invest in the outcome almost as much as I.

With the prison walk scene, I asked Michael to describe the moment – when and where – on his walk to the parole board hearing when he could catch a glimpse of that sky. Then I visited the prison and took the exact route, watching the sky just as he did. Finally, I checked with the National Weather Service to see what the weather was like when he made that walk.

I regularly told Michael and his family, “I want this to be your story, not a white woman’s account of your story.” Over time, they understood what I meant, and almost always they were actually grateful for my attention to detail. I endured my share of ribbing from them, of course, and Michael does a pretty impressive imitation of me rattling off the questions: “OK, so you were standing, where? Uh-huh, and what were you wearing? When you said that, how did he react? …”

I asked my project editor, Stuart Warner, to describe his role in this process. He adds the following:

Stuart Warner: It’s also important to remember that this story was edited with the same scrutiny an investigative story is edited.

Just as an investigative editor does document checks on every fact, I asked Connie to verify every incident or anything that could be subjective.  But except for trial transcripts and a few other legal papers, the only documents were her exhaustive collection of notes.  How did Connie know he saw “Connecticut” on the flip side of the new quarter?  Did the guards really say, “Keep moving.  Keep moving.”? [Connie went there and heard them herself].

We debated every adjective.  How would we describe Michael’s fiancé.  White women might think she was a plus size.  Black women might not.  (We finally decided to let that one go.)

Any time there was a discrepancy, we went back and asked again.  And again.  Michael’s stepfather said he found the evidence kit in a box.  The clerk insisted that all evidence kits are put in plastic bags.  By checking with even more sources we found that it was indeed in a box, and the reason that it was may lead us to another story, which we can’t discuss here.

In short, narrative writing can require even more reporting and re-reporting than even the most complicated investigative stories.

Postscript from Stuart Warner: A few days after this conversation occurred on WriterL in January of 2003, Roderick Rhodes turned himself in to Cleveland police for the rape of the cancer patient for which Michael Green was convicted.  Rhodes said he was a heavy drug user at the time the rape was committed in 1988 and didn’t even remember it until he read Connie Schultz’s series, Burden of Innocence, which was published over five days in October 2002.  Cleveland police scoffed at his confession, but the DNA that had not been used as evidence in 1988  proved that Rhodes was guilty.  He was convicted and served five years in prison.  Michael received more than $1 million from the state for false conviction and another $1 million from the city of Cleveland after it was proven, as the series revealed, that the medical examiner falsified evidence to obtain the conviction.

In March of 2003, the series won the Robert F. Kennedy Award for social justice reporting and Best in Show at the National Headliners competition.  It was a finalist for the 2003 Pulitzer Prize for feature writing.  Two years later, Schultz’s columns on Green’s battle with the state for reparations were part of her entry that won the Pulitzer for commentary.  She is now a national columnist for USA Today and her first novel, “The Daughters of Erietown,” made The New York Times bestseller list.  She credits what she learned about developing nonfiction characters with creating her fictional characters. 

Caught in a ‘Catch 23’ – The end of local TV news in Akron

(This chapter is excerpted from “Akron’s Daily Miracle,” edited by Stuart Warner and Deb Van Tassel Warner, copyright 2020, University of Akron Press)

Screen grab from WAKC-TV23

By Mark Williamson

Its end was ignominious.  Just a passing comment to a young reporter and that was that.  Local television news in Akron was dead.

Lowell “Bud” Paxson, the Florida-based founder of the Home Shopping Network, took legal ownership of WAKC Television, Channel 23, at midnight February 26, 1996.

By 10 the next morning, as news crews headed out to cover their stories for the early newscast at 6 p.m., Paxson had ordered his management team occupying TV 23’s studios at 853 Copley Road to terminate nearly the entire staff of more than 80 employees. 

Accompanied by armed guards, their approach was certainly newsworthy.  They fired nearly a hundred people by word of mouth.  Ironic, perhaps, that a communications company would merely tell a young reporter named Steve Litz, passing in a hallway on his way to an editing suite, “We’re firing you and your co-workers.  Go around the place and pass the word to your friends that we won’t be needing you people anymore.”

It is important to note here that Paxson made a personal appeal six months before the takeover.  The staff had been notified to attend a meeting in the studio to meet and greet him. Paxson, the staff was told, was coming to talk to everyone about his plans for WAKC once he assumed ownership.  He promised to take the news product to a “whole new level.”  It would be “competitive” with Cleveland.  He was going to “sink more money” into the set design, the news product, the people doing the news. And there would be raises, higher starting pay and “more promotion of the product” out in the community. 

Reporters are suspicious by nature but most stayed on to see it through.  That would turn out to be regrettable for most.

Paxson made verbal commitments to plans he never intended to keep.  His intent, as it turns out, was to keep everyone he could on the payroll to maintain the value of the operation until he could officially own it and then turn it into another portal for syndicated TV shows and home shopping.  Nothing local, save for the occasional and obligatory public affairs program, would ever appear again on the “Akron” station.  It no longer looked like Akron on TV 23.  That broadcast could have been coming from anywhere:  Amarillo; Gallup, New Mexico; Flagstaff, Arizona; Winona; Kingman, Barstow or San Bernardino  (with apologies to Bobby Troup).  The AK, the Akron in WAKC, was gone forever.  So was Bud Paxson 19 years later, when he died in Montana.  But he certainly left a mark on Akron.

After Paxson chose the nuclear option, Akron tried to fight back.  Mayor Don Plusquellic went to West Palm Beach, Florida, in 1997 to express to Paxson, in person, how he felt about what he had done to his city.  Mayor Plusquellic wanted to work with Paxson to see about funding for just a pared-down newscast once per day on the station.  Paxson refused.

You have to give Mayor Plusquellic credit.  Plenty of government leaders would be happy to have one less gaggle of reporters following them around with cameras and audio recorders.  But the mayor  had a good story to tell about Akron and understood the value of what a local television news operation could bring to promoting that story to his community every day. 

“It’s a two-edged sword,” he  would say.  “A love-hate relationship we have with the media.  We need them.  They need us.  But sometimes, there’s a helluva price for people in my business to pay for those relationships. They never pay.” 

Another amusing aside about the mayor’s view of the media was that he felt the good people in government who were doing their jobs and doing them well received no coverage to speak of.  “They only cover two kinds of people in my business.  Crooks and clowns.  That’s it.” 

As the mayor’s communications director and media relations person for many years after leaving WAKC, I’d have to say that when it came to television news, that was pretty much right on the money. 

But back  to Copley Road and TV 23.

A mere 18 hours after taking ownership of WAKC, Bud Paxson removed a news broadcast that had been a part of the TV landscape and people’s daily habits since the early 1970s, and replaced it with an episode of The Love Boat.  The switchboard lit up at the old theater building that had housed WAKR Radio and Television since the 1940s, and for the very first time in more than 50 years, calls were answered at the station by automated voice mail.  Not by Hazel Botzum or Isabelle Summerville.  Both women had been part of the station and their community for many years.  They typified the style of ownership of founder Bernard Berk, son Roger Berk, Sr., and grandsons Roger Berk, Jr., and Robert Berk. They hired local people, for the most part. Nice people.  Friendly people who cared about Akron.  The Berks are from Akron and it mattered to them that they served the community in which they lived.

But now, that personal touch was gone.  The news went dark.  The commitment to community was jerked out from under the city that had watched a mix of young college students and wily veterans work their tails off to capture the day’s events on camera and present them on the air.

The relatively small station had its struggles competing with four bigger-market TV news operations in Cleveland, 30 miles to the north.  Our challenge each day to compete for viewers was akin to putting a mom-and-pop grocery store next to a massive chain store and telling it to go out there and make some money. 

The people on the air at WAKC had endeared themselves in many ways to Akronites and viewers around Northeast and North Central Ohio.  (Its over-the-air signal was strong to the south, even beyond Canton, which is 20 miles south of Akron).  It was the little engine that could of TV news.  Viewers got to know the staff, reporters, anchor people and the videographers (mobile cameramen and camerawomen).  Mark Johnson, from Ashtabula, and Mark Nolan, from Stark County, both did the weather at TV 23 and moved on to do the same in Cleveland television.  Phil Ferguson, our Copley-Fairlawn born-and-bred sports anchor, has been a fixture in local radio ever since TV 23.  Tim Daugherty, who grew up in the Cleveland area, also did the weather at WAKC while working on the air at 97.5 WONE.  He remains at WONE today.  Others our viewers may remember from the last couple of years on the air: Lauren Glassberg is with WABC in New York City as a reporter; Steve Litz is a reporter at NBC 6 in Miami; and Dawn Gigi (Gigi Hinton) is a producer at TV ONE in Washington, D.C.  Carole Sullivan, who was Carole Chandler on the air, went to work at Channel 3 (WKYC) in Cleveland after leaving TV 23 and is now  hosting Today in Nashville on WSMV. Co-anchor Jim Kambrich is anchoring the news in Albany, N.Y. And, of course, Carol Costello was at CNN, then Headline News until the fall of 2018.

A host of talented off-camera people who got their start in Akron are still working in Cleveland television as editors, producers and videographers.  They were mere rookies when we hired them at TV 23.  Now many of them are closing in on retirement.

The Cleveland on-air presentation was more polished, had more money to invest in every aspect of the broadcast. But the no-nonsense approach at  WAKC (and, before it, WAKR-TV) had a loyal following from viewers who regularly lauded the station for just delivering the news.  No comedy.  No contrived cross chatter on the news set.  Nothing fancy.  Just the facts, as Jack Webb would say. 

The job was to cover what happened each day while the viewers were otherwise occupied.  So the team would hit the streets and bring back a product every day that folks came to rely upon.  To have the proverbial rug pulled from underneath them was truly a shock to many.  Even those folks who might have poked fun at the station’s sometimes less-than-polished look (compared to bigger city news) realized what they were losing.

The irony of what was about to occur wasn’t lost on me.  After spending nearly 20 years at TV 23 as a reporter, news anchor and news director, I was intimately aware of the difficulties of covering news in our town —  a town that was losing jobs, population, businesses, nightlife and its downtown.   In fact, our downtown had been made famous in a song by native daughter Chrissie Hynde and it wasn’t for anything positive.

Akron’s population was falling from its peak of around 290,351 in 1960 to 217,613 in 1996 when Bud Paxson  pulled the plug on local news.  A city that once boasted five Fortune 500 corporate headquarters, was the tire and rubber capital of the world and was once the trucking capital, too, now was struggling with unemployment, the pivotal companies that made it great looking to move out of town.  Many did.  Akron no longer employed 40,000 in the rubber industry.  There may have been 5,000 or fewer by the early 1980s. 

One of the many phrases coined about the TV news business is that it doesn’t cover planes that land.  Or, if there’s a second coming of Christ and we don’t have video, we’re not leading with it.  There’s no shortage of crassness, that’s for certain.  But there is a point to be made in that TV news relies on conflict, negative emotion and the kinds of seedy things people just might not see every day.  Murder.  Mayhem.  Fire. Chemical leaks. 

And scandals.

A spate of high-profile scandals that thrust Akron into the national news more than once served to energize viewership in local news in the late 1970s and early ’80s. Perhaps the most notorious was a public corruption scandal within Summit County government that took down a few public officials and gave news reporters more than a year’s worth of follow-up stories that led directly to the indictment and conviction of a local probate judge.  The story received coverage by a new reporter on the national scene named Geraldo Rivera, who was on a relatively new format of news program on a show called 20/20 on ABC with Hugh Downs and Barbara Walters.  Its ratings were strong.  That didn’t bode well for Akron’s reputation in the Rivera-created, theatrically produced series titled Injustice for All.

I have argued in the last 20 years that even murders, for the most part, capture much less attention than before because they have become more commonplace.  We needed stories about the city itself and where it was going.  What was it doing to attract business, jobs, people?  There wasn’t much to say at that time. But a city’s image, the face it shows to the region and the rest of the world, as it were, comes often from the high gloss of chamber of commerce-type commercials, fun promotional spots for the local stations, and the kinds of news stories that promote a lifestyle that might retain and attract young people and families.

In Akron, a town that endured decades without much of a good story about its image, a town that had more news about layoffs and business closures (especially in the vital rubber industry) than anything else, except crime, something was about to change.

But there would now be no television station left to cover it, to tell the stories, and most importantly, to show nightly images of the now evolving city.

The irony – especially for the mayor and the investors sticking their necks out to make Akron catch up after about 50 years of neglect – was that this all began to change almost immediately after the demise of local television news.  Not long after Capt. Merrill Stubing began to pilot the 6 o’clock hour on TV 23, downtown Akron began to demonstrate it had a pulse.  It was coming alive.  With $100 million in investments, Mayor Plusquellic was able to deliver three high-profile projects that would draw people back downtown: the John S. Knight Center, Inventure Place (National Inventors Hall of Fame) and Canal Park, home to the AA baseball affiliate for the Cleveland Indians.

“A city’s downtown is like the front room of a home.  It’s the first and last thing people see when they visit, and it better leave a good impression,”  Deputy Mayor for Economic Development James Phelps once said.

Within 10 years, by the early 2000s, downtown Akron was out-producing all other areas of the city combined when it came to the taxes it generated.  The investment was working and sending tax dollars to the city treasury in amounts stout enough to keep 50-100 of Akron’s police force on the payroll.  Close to 25,000 people were working downtown, another huge leap even from the early 1990s.

But without local television to assist in telling this story – with images of crowds of people and traffic coming back to downtown for baseball and nightlife – how would Akron get its story out to even its own citizens?

Not through Cleveland media.  Cleveland television news has never done a thorough job covering Akron.  How can it?  But as long as there is no one else doing it in our city, Cleveland can get away with reporting on news here as if we were a mere suburb.  That’s why for years, much of the time, newsrooms in Cleveland have merely opened the morning Akron Beacon Journal, scanned it, and pulled out the stories it wanted to cover that day.  Most of the work was already done by a print reporter, so there really wasn’t much to it, and let’s face it, 70 percent of their audiences lived in the Cleveland area and had no idea it was old news.  It was, as we at TV 23 used to say, news to THEM.

I’m going to share with you a secret Cleveland doesn’t want you to know.  When the A.C. Nielsen Company (now the Nielsen Corporation) does ratings surveys to determine how many folks are watching television news in Cleveland, it includes the population of Akron.  Akron was and is considered part of the Cleveland TV market.  That helps Cleveland because the larger the population, the more advertisers pay the stations to run commercials. 

In New York, Los Angeles and Chicago, they charge more than in Lincoln, Nebraska, or Daytona Beach.  Cleveland’s stature in the world of TV markets is inflated by Akron residents who make up 30 percent of Cleveland’s “TV population.”   Have you ever seen a successful business that could ignore a third of its customers?  If I owned a men’s clothing store and refused to sell the white dress shirts that one in three of my customers demanded, and those customers quit coming to my store, I’d be out of business.  Not in Cleveland television.  It makes money from Akron merely because we exist.  We are a number that serves them well whether we watch or don’t watch and whether they cover news here or not.

At WAKC, we called this phenomenon a Catch 23. Akron advertisers were not crazy about paying Cleveland ad rates to buy time on a local news program that didn’t have Cleveland’s larger population watching.  Nielsen did not want us selling advertising without using its numbers. But, if we used them, it appeared we had no audience because 70 percent of the people it was looking at as potential viewers lived in Greater Cleveland and couldn’t pick us up and, quite frankly, did not want to.  Why would they? 

We had some loyal advertisers who sustained us for years, but I’m fairly certain we continued to lose money year after year.  When we went on the market to purchase syndicated programs to air whenever there was no network programming, Akron television had to pay the much higher Cleveland rate for those shows.  But, again, we could not get the size of audience to justify or even pay for the shows we had to buy. Hence, Catch 23. 

Former WAKC weatherman Tim Daugherty knew the value of those images.  His nightly weather always featured video shot that day of something interesting going on around the region.  “We actually would receive comments from viewers asking about the weather video…where it was taken and even what we might have been looking at in the shots we used.  It was an effective way of showing off something new, a development, a natural resource such as the river or parks or an event that was drawing crowds,” Daugherty said.

Half an hour of local television time twice each day could be a powerful vehicle for getting the good that was going on into homes around the city.  The Akron Beacon Journal did a good job of those days of downtown growth, though Mayor Plusquellic would disagree, but a newspaper is a poor substitute for video when it comes to showing off a city’s best elements day or night.

Missing were the cameras at the opening of a brand-new park for professional baseball. Or at the opening ceremony for the National Inventors Hall of Fame. There was coverage of the christening of the John S. Knight Center downtown in 1994, but as the new convention center started to come into its own, attracting convention business and new visitors to the city, television news was gone.

We missed the opening of the remodeled and redesigned O’Neil’s Department Store building into a beautiful home for a local law firm overlooking center field at Canal Park.

We missed restaurant openings and the creation and completion of the Towpath Trail.  Children’s Hospital has expanded about 10 times since TV 23 went under, but not one image of this beautiful transformation has been broadcast on local television news. 

The East End development, the new Goodyear headquarters, the new Bridgestone headquarters, GOJO’s move into downtown and so many more big stories all came about after the signal from TV 23 was cut off for local news.

There’s a new hotel downtown near Luigi’s. Heck, Luigi’s is now just a small part of what has transformed the north end of downtown, including high-rise condos, cool new apartments, businesses, galleries, a fencing school and the rebirth of America’s first and oldest public housing complex, once known as Elizabeth Park.

Lock 3, an outdoor entertainment venue along the banks of the historic Ohio & Erie Canal, the waterway that made Akron grow in its infancy, is again a resource.  The entire downtown area has the canal in view

New office buildings went up downtown, old ones were saved and restored by Tony Troppe, a loquacious developer who was putting his money were his mouth was and bringing new life to historic buildings that Akron had long since written off as useless.

But you will hardly see any of that.

Much of what I’ve written is within an almost archaic model in the first quarter of the 21st century.  Fewer and fewer people are watching traditionally delivered television (over the air, or cable).  Of those who still do, the numbers watching television news are dropping.  Younger generations are finding it obsolete, not part of their culture, too linear to view in their on-demand world. 

Newspapers, sadly, are in decline as well.  So I’m not sure the idea of resurrecting TV news for this community (as many continue to suggest today) is at all worthwhile. In Akron, even during its very best days, it was a struggle to make it work commercially with dedicated owners (the Berk family) and enthusiastic employees because of the forces of the Cleveland market.

With today’s declining viewership nationwide, it’s unlikely we’ll ever see true, local television news in that form again.  It was local theater, live in your living room every night, done by young people you may have known.  It gave many a good start to a long career.  But the strangely configured market it was trapped in made it vulnerable to out-of-town owners who truly cared not about Akron or news.  They stalked it, killed it, made a bundle and took off. 

That, my friends, is a Catch 23.

Bringers of Change to Akron and Goodyear

Excerpted from Akron’s Daily Miracle (copyright 2020, University of Akron Press)

Goodyear opened its airdock to the public on Sept. 13, 1986.  Six days later, Sir James Goldsmith bought his first Goodyear shares and the takeover attempt was on.
Goodyear opened its airdock to the public on Sept. 13, 1986 for a United Way promotion. Six days later, Sir James Goldsmith bought his first Goodyear shares and the takeover attempt was on.

By Stuart Warner

Change was on the way to the Beacon Journal and Akron in 1986.

On Sunday, March 30, Executive Editor Dale Allen headed south on I-77 to the Akron-Canton Airport to meet Knight Ridder Vice President Larry Jinks. 

“A dozen possibilities passed through my brain, most of them making no sense at all,” Allen wrote in his unpublished memoir about the summons from his boss. Was he being moved out of the newsroom?  To another paper? Maybe they were going to fire him.

But there was one possibility he hadn’t considered: He was offered the job as editor of the paper.  Corporate had been unhappy with the bickering between Editor Paul Poorman and General Manager Jim Gels and was replacing both of them.  Gels was shipped to the company’s paper in Duluth, Minn.,  to replace publisher John McMillion. McMillion was coming to Akron as the paper’s first publisher since Ben Maidenberg retired in 1975.  Poorman was offered another job at the Beacon, but decided to resign.  The job was Dale’s if he wanted it.  He did.

Tim Smith, who had been promoted to managing editor by Poorman, also left to teach at Kent State as Allen ascended to the top spot. 

“Dale sat between Tim Smith and Paul Poorman, not fully in charge of the newsroom,”  recalled John Greenman, then the Beacon’s assistant managing editor for metro news.  “When Smith and Poorman left, Dale was free to reframe the newsroom to take advantage of the people he’d hired and promoted and, as importantly, to reorient (or relieve) veterans from the Kent State coverage, who’d become smug and lacked intensity.”

Dale found just the right person to bring a new intensity to the newsroom at his former paper, the Philadelphia Inquirer.

Larry Williams was a rising star in Knight Ridder.  His degree was in engineering, but his passion was journalism. He joined the Inquirer  in 1971, advancing to business editor, where he supervised two Pulitzer Prize-winning projects, including the coverage of the near-disaster at the Three Mile Island nuclear plant.  “He turned what had been a small undistinguished business news department into one of the nation’s best,” said Gene Roberts, legendary former editor of the Inquirer. “But his influence on the paper went far beyond business news into major investigative reporting and the design and layout of the paper. His talent and drive were exceptional.”

Tim Smith had supervised only metro news and the copy desk as managing editor. “Dale … delegated vast authority” to Williams, Greenman said. “Larry would not have come to Akron without it. Indeed, he turned down the job of Sunday Business Editor of the New York Times to come to the Beacon Journal.”

I was the Beacon’s local columnist, writing Warner’s Corner, when Larry arrived. I was known mostly for wearing a hat and writing about Stowbillies, Kenmorons and empty storefronts in Akron’s downtown. Not Larry’s kind of journalism. And, oh, yes, I constantly took pokes at “Muffy” and “Buffy” and everyone else who lived in the affluent suburb of Hudson, where Larry and his family bought a rambling Colonial-style home.  My Hudson humor was often not appreciated by the village’s newest resident. And more than once he killed a column with questionable taste, like the time a politician in Columbus proposed hiring prostitutes to tell people about the danger of AIDS.   I innocently wondered how they would fill out an application, including the question, “Position Desired?”

I had no idea of the impact Larry’s hire would have on me and all of us at the paper and, perhaps, on the city of Akron.

Within weeks after Larry joined the paper, financier Sir James Goldsmith bought his first shares of stock in the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company.  This was a man who described himself as “a bringer of change.”  In Larry Williams, he met his match.

**************

On Monday afternoon, October 7, Business Editor Doug Oplinger noted a sharp rise in Goodyear’s stock.  Oplinger grew up in nearby Springfield Twp., then returned to work for the Beacon Journal after graduating from Northwestern University.  He started in Akron as a metro reporter, moved to the business desk when it consisted of only three people and had been promoted to business editor just a few months before Larry Williams arrived.  Oplinger stayed at the paper until he retired as managing editor in 2017 after 46 years at the Beacon.

His institutional knowledge told him something was up when the stock closed at a 15-year high of almost $37 at the end of the trading day.

“In Akron, just about everybody had a relationship with a tire company,” Oplinger told Bowling Green State University years later.  “We were the rubber capital of the world.  We had for major companies here and Goodyear, by far, was the largest employer.  It was tens of thousands of people who had a direct connection to the company.”

Oplinger assigned reporters Rick Reiff and Larry Pantages to write a brief story for the Tuesday paper about the uptick and the rumor that a New Jersey chemical company, GAF Corp., was making a play for the tire company.

The activity created enough concern at Goodyear for chairman Robert E. Mercer to send a letter to all employees saying that the company is closely watching the stock market,” they wrote.

There was reason for concern but it originated far from the Jersey shore.

On Friday, Oct. 17, someone purchased 2.1 million shares of Goodyear stock.  By that time, the Beacon’s business department was at full throttle, sometimes updating stories and changing headlines every few hours. Larry Williams became a driving force behind the coverage.

 “The story could not have been made more appealing to Larry,” Dale Allen wrote in his unpublished memoir. “He understood the language of finance;  terms I had read a few times but had not a clue what they meant. Arbitrageurs, junk bonds, leveraged buyouts – these were the things we read about that happened on Wall Street and other financial centers, but not in little old Akron, with its folksy title as the Rubber Capital of the World.

Dale noted that Larry found a willing partner in Oplinger, a fellow Eagle Scout. “Bringing Doug together with Larry Williams was like touching a match to a gentle mixture of  kerosene and enthusiasm,” Allen wrote. “It seemed Doug had been waiting his whole career to find someone to light his fuse, to provide him with clarity and purpose, even if he did not really need much of a kick start.”

Together, and with the help of editors like John Greenman and Deb Van Tassel from Metro and more than 50 staffers, they produced the kind of news coverage that you’d expect to find in the Wall Street Journal, not the Akron Beacon Journal.

“Larry was modeling the Philadelphia Inquirer’s coverage of Three Mile Island,” recalled Greenman, who later became publisher of Knight Ridder’s paper in Columbus, Ga.

Thirty-nine reporters and eight photographers worked on that coverage, “many for weeks, and most with no days off and little sleep during and beyond the first, weeklong crisis,” recalled Michael Pakenham, associate editor of The Inquirer during TMI, writing 25 years later in the Baltimore Sun.

At the end, the Inquirer wrote a novella-length reconstruction, Greenman said. Many reporters contributed. Steve Lovelady wrote through their drafts, constructing and maintaining the narrative line. One editor, Larry, supervised.

Seven years later, Greenman noted, Larry modeled the Beacon’s efforts after the Inquirer’s.        

************

The coverage ratcheted up after October 25, when British financier Sir James Goldsmith was identified as the potential buyer of Goodyear.

In addition to Goldsmith, Mercer and the other usual suspects like Akron Mayor Tom Sawyer and Congressman John Seiberling, the grandson of Goodyear’s founder, readers of the Beacon were introduced to characters we had never met before:

  • Steve Seigfried, a Goodyear Aerospace engineer who represented the worst of Akron’s fears … he had already been laid off by three other companies. Now his latest job was in jeopardy, too.
  • Jeffrey Berenson, a lead partner in Merrill Lynch’s merger and acquisition group who was identified as the primary architect of the takeover bid.
  • Donald Walsh, a vice president at Akron’s Merrill Lynch brokerage who was feeling the heat from local residents for the corporate parent’s role in fueling the takeover attempt.
  • Rufus Johnson, the janitor at the Goodyear barbershop whose comments about “Rambo time” bolstered the company’s spirits.
  • Mark Blitstein, Goodyear’s director of investor relations, the company’s lead defender.

The business department had only three staffers when Dale Allen had arrived in 1980.  He had tripled the team by 1986, but they were still working around the clock to keep pace with the Goodyear story.

Larry Pantages, Rick Rieff and Greg Gardner were the primary writers, with Glenn Proctor, Katie Byard, Ron Shinn and others taking us behind the scenes of board rooms, union halls and stock exchanges.  The ’80s had ushered in an era of Wall Street greed unseen since the Roaring Twenties, and Akron understood the awful implications of a successful raid on the city’s largest employer. Goodyear assets would be sold off for a quick profit. Research and development and corporate philanthropy would likely be reduced, even halted. Workers would be laid off. The only winners would be Goldsmith, investment bankers and large shareholders with no stake in the city’s wellbeing. The losers would be the community at large.

Pantages remembers the day reporters scored a major coup:  a phone interview with Goldsmith.

“The PR person we called almost every day, Lissa Perlman, had finally come through for us in setting that up. Maybe that was the interview where Goldsmith said, ‘I am a potential bringer of change,’ and we realized from his own lips what the threat to the city and the employees really was. I think he also clarified himself a little by adding something like, ‘I say ‘potential’ because nothing’s happened yet.’”

They rushed back to their desk to write the story for the final afternoon edition.

“When the papers came off the press, we grabbed a bundle and jumped in the car and drove to the Dubl Tyme restaurant right across the street from the HQ. We wanted to give the papers away and get reaction from workers during their lunch break. Much to our chagrin, we went into the place (I think it was me and Greg Gardner; maybe Reiff, too) and there were like three people in there. Not what we were hoping for.”

Business wasn’t the only angle getting coverage.  The government team went full bore, with Bill Hershey reporting from Washington, D.C., Mary Grace Poidamani from Columbus and Charlene Nevada from Akron City Hall.  Meanwhile metro reporters like Terry Oblander, Laura Haferd, Jim Carney and others were producing stories that showed the impact of the takeover bid on the community. Stories like:

  • A church in Akron refusing to sell its 100 shares of Goodyear stock even though it needed $150,000 to buy a new roof.
  • High school students starting a stock-buying campaign and writing letters to Congress and to Merrill Lynch.
  • Joan Lukich, whose family had more than 200 years combined service at Goodyear, wearing a sandwich board and walking the streets of Akron, urging citizens to buy the company’s stock.  “United We’ll Stand, Divided We’ll Fall,” was her message.

Gaylon White, a Goodyear PR exec, was reading every word.  The former journalist was assigned to study media coverage of takeover attempts, both previous and present.  He said the Beacon Journal’s coverage of the financial angles was almost as sophisticated as he had read in the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. “But no major newspaper had ever covered the impact on the community like the Beacon did. … You guys ought to win a Pulitzer,” he told me back then.

White had other jobs, too.  He was told by Corporate Communications Director William Newkirk to “be disruptive.”  Goodyear wanted the media to show the public that Goldsmith wasn’t like us.

To that end, White enlisted a lot of help from Warner’s Corner, feeding me stories about Goldsmith’s lascivious lifestyle, shoeshine stand operator Rufus Johnson’s fighting words to Mercer (It’s Rambo time!) and a little item that went ‘round the world: The corporate raider had a distaste for anything rubber, especially rubber bands,

The guy is buying the world’s largest tiremaker and he has a rubber-phobia?  My readers ate it up, especially after I published his New York address and urged them to send him gobs of rubber bands.

Maybe it worked.  By mid-November, Mercer confided to associates that Goldsmith had won, that there was nothing the company could do to prevent the takeover.  Yet a few days later, after facing a raucous crowd of Goodyear workers at a Congressional hearing and taking a tongue-lashing from Sieberling (“Who the hell are you?” he bellowed), Goldsmith walked away from the deal, selling back his stock to Goodyear for a $94 million profit – not bad for 10 weeks work.

Years later, Denis Kelly, a former Merrill Lynch executive, told me he never understood why Goldsmith settled when victory was at hand. “He was not the sort of fellow to back down.”

Then he paused as he recalled the events of those days.

“You know, he really did not like all those bags and bags of rubber bands showing up. That bothered him. He said, ‘Why are they sending me all those rubber bands?’ “

                                                            ****************

The Goodyear War was over on Thursday, November 22, though the reverberations from the takeover attempt would be felt for years to come. The next day, Larry Williams told me I would be the lead writer on a team that would produce a narrative reconstruction of what had just happened.  I wasn’t sure why he chose me, given our disagreements over my columns. Maybe Dale had told him about some of the long-form stories I had written as religion writer. Perhaps it was because of the sources I had developed as the columnist. Regardless, I immediately began clipping and reading every story we had written about Goodyear since the day the Airdock was opened in September.  

That weekend he and I met at the office and put together a detailed outline.  Monday morning, November 24, we went to work.

By Monday evening, I was, in sports parlance, choking.  Looking back now, the task we faced then seems almost impossible.  Our goal was to fill an eight-page section with 15,000 to 20,000 words, much of it new reporting.  And we had less than a week to finish.  The section was scheduled to hit the newsstands on Sunday, Nov. 30, three days after Thanksgiving.

I was sensitive about my role on the project.  The other reporters on the team were Melissa Johnston from the metro staff, Reiff and Pantages. Williams, Oplinger and Greenman were the editors.

There was also resentment among the other business writers who had been covering the story 24/7 for several weeks that I was on the team at all.  And I admit, I had no idea how to spell or pronounce arbitrageur before I began the assignment.  I thought a raider played for Oakland.

Maybe that is why I found myself struggling to find any words at all as I began to write the first chapter that Monday afternoon on my Commodore 64 in my home office.  By midnight I still had nothing.  By 2 a.m. Tuesday I had deleted blocks and blocks of copy.  The green screen was still blank.  My wife, Deb Van Tassel, told me to go to bed, start again tomorrow.  I couldn’t do that.  I couldn’t face the rest of them with empty pages. By 5 a.m. I was fading fast.  Sometime between 5:30  and 6 a.m. I fell asleep on the couch next to my desk with not a word written.

I awoke re-energized and at dawn on Tuesday, Nov. 25.  I started writing again at 7 a.m.  The nap had re-energized me.  By 9 a.m. I had a full draft of the first chapter.  The solution had been simple.  On Saturday, Sept. 13, 1986, Goodyear opened its airdock to the public for the first time in more than 50 years, according to news reports.  More than 300,000 turned out to watch.  Traffic was so bad that space hero John Glenn couldn’t reach the site.  I placed each of the main characters at that moment in time in the drama that would play out as The Goodyear War.  And the story began like this:

“The sun seemed to be shining on Akron as it had few times in recent history.

“At a few minutes past 11 a.m., the 600-ton front doors of the Goodyear Airdock began sliding apart ever so slowly.

“Hearts pounded as fast as the Akron’s Symphony Orchestra’s timpani drums rising to the first crescendo of the theme from 200l: A Space Odyssey.

“Men and women cried.

“It was a day to remember where you were.”

I showered quickly, got to work by 9:30 a.m., and no one on the team had any idea that I had pulled an all-nighter.

From there, the rest of the narrative started to flow.

I went to work on chapters two and three, which introduced our two main characters, raider Goldsmith and Goodyear’s Mercer. 

As they continued to report, Reiff and Pantages worked on chapters four through six, which took us into this new world of finance that most of us knew little about. Yet they made it understandable for the folks in Akron.  An excerpt:

“As the Goodyear rumors were circulating, another takeover battle was ending that would dramatize the new power of corporate raiders and portend bad news for Goodyear.

“Campeau Corp., a Canadian real estate firm, as in the process of a successful hostile takeover of the much bigger Allied Stores chain.  Campeau’s revolutionary weapon was an equity contribution, some $1 billion from its investment banking firm, First Boston Corp.  This was a departure from the usual takeover, in which a raider relied primarily on borrowing (often ‘junk bonds’) to pay the costs of a tender offer for all or some of the target company’s shares.  The risk arbitrageurs, financial pros who invest in stocks of targeted companies, had to decide whether the potential reward of lining up with the raider offset the risk a deal would fall through.”

Six months earlier, not many of us would have had a clue what that meant.  Now it was dinner conversation in Akron.

Still, there seemed an insurmountable among of work to finish by our Saturday night deadline.

Melissa Johnston continued to interview people in the community as I wrote.  Pantages and Reiff scored an interview with Mercer, who accounted the most minute details of his lunch meeting with Goldsmith at the financier’s New York townhouse.

“Several bottles of wine were nearby in buckets,” they wrote.

“Goldsmith offered some to Mercer.  He declined. ‘I don’t like to drink at noon,’ Mercer told Goldsmith.

“’Would you care for some water?’ Goldsmith asked.

“’That would be helpful,’ Mercer said.

“’Fizzy or otherwise,’ Goldsmith asked.

“’Otherwise,’ Mercer replied.”

Getting that kind of detail while still writing took time.  We were working past midnight every day but by late Wednesday we realized we’d have to work through Thanksgiving Day, even if we already had plans.

“I remember walking into the newsroom at mid-morning on Thanksgiving Day  to check on the story’s progress,” Allen recalled in his memoir. “The first person I saw was Larry Williams, his feet propped up on a desk in the middle of the newsroom, sound asleep, a file folder crammed with notes strewn across his lap. He had been at the paper throughout the previous night. For Larry, that was probably a very exciting way to spend Thanksgiving.”

Williams did give us two hours off in the afternoon to have dinner with our families.  I remember swallowing some turkey and mashed potatoes with my wife and our 2-year-old, who most people knew then as Baby Corner.  Then I must have crashed for a nap.  Once again I was refreshed and back in the office by 5 p.m.

We continued to write until 4 o’clock Friday morning, completing all 11 chapters, some 20,000 words.

All that was left when we returned at noon was the final edit.  Piece of cake, I assumed, even though I hadn’t had time for any cake or pie on the holiday.  I was used to my copy sailing through the desk.  How long could this take?  Three or four more hours and we’d be done, I thought.

I’d never experienced the kind of deep dive into a story Larry Williams put us through for the next 20 hours.  He questioned every assertion, wanted more information for every … .  It was a clinic in professional editing.

But there were seven of us working on the final draft, and I know that when everyone tries to put his own fingerprints onto the text it can spoil a good story, so  I sat down at the editing terminal and refused to budge through revisions of the first few chapters.  I also said something else that did not endear me to my colleagues. “The first three chapters (which I had written) are in really good shape.  Why don’t we speed things up by starting at chapter four?”

Uh, no.  Larry Williams was not about to skip over a single word.  We started with page one, line one, and worked our way meticulously through the draft, six others talking while I typed in most of their suggestions.

As the hours passed that night into morning, we discovered that chapter eight, which I hadn’t written, was based on a false premise, and had to be totally revised.  I finally relinquished my seat and sacked out on a nearby couch as the other six hashed through a couple of thousand words.

By chapter nine, I was ready to go again and managed to regain control.  But as we approached the finish, I realized we had no ending.  Writers struggle over their lead, but often forget the significance of a great finish.  I had nothing.  Was I going to face another writer’s block?

Then one of my colleagues noted that Goldsmith had never been to Akron through the ordeal.

And there was our walk-off.

“Left behind was testimony to the enormous power of Goldsmith’s brand of capitalism,” we wrote. “He had terrified Akron without ever once setting foot in the city.”

 *************

We finished the final draft at 8 a.m. on Saturday, Nov. 29. Then it was time for Executive News Editor Bruce Winges, Art Director Art Krummel, Assistant Managing Editor for News Colleen Murphy and their staffs to take over. Copy editor Mickey Porter line edited every word, with Larry Williams at his side, struggling to stay awake.

They had already begun some preparation earlier in the week, but they had no idea how much clay they would have to mold until they arrived much earlier than usual that day.  Typically, Saturday nights are slow, most of the pages for the Sunday paper prepared in advance.  But when Deb Van Tassel and I stopped by 44 E. Exchange St. that evening, it was as busy as an Election Night, with copy editors, page designers and artists, not to mention all the folks in the composing room, scurrying to make their 11 p.m. deadline.

The final product was simply outstanding.  The layout of the eight-page section was clean, bold.  The photos, surrounded by a gray border, jumped off the page.  Artist Dennis Balogh’s Page 1 illustration captured the turmoil of the previous 10 weeks.  And the headline said it all: “The Goodyear War … Hard to tell the winner from the loser.”

I guess our readers appreciated it, because we reprinted thousands of copies of the special section.  We also sent copies of the section to journalists around the country.  In those days before the internet, that was the only way to promote your own work, and we thought others might take notice.

They did.

Dale Allen was on the Pulitzer Prize Jury in March of 1987, one of dozens of journalists judging the best work of the previous year in the different categories.  Dale was among the jurors judging the photography entries, but during a break for lunch he got some unexpected news.

“Seated next to me was an editor, whose name I have forgotten, who was a member of the jury charged with selecting the winner in the local general reporting category,” Dale wrote in his memoir.  “It was in that category that we had submitted our coverage of the attempted takeover of Goodyear by Sir James Goldsmith.

“I had never met the juror before but, when we made our introductions, he told me that our Goodyear coverage was among the best he had seen that morning. He said something like this:

 “’I haven’t seen all of the entries yet, but the one you guys submitted was the best I’ve seen so far.’ Then, he added something to the effect that he had never seen a story so well reported in all  his years as a journalist.”

The names of the finalists are supposed to be kept secret, but back then, someone was always leaking them and Dale had a heads-up that we were on the list.  The top three entries in each category are then sent to the Pulitzer’s Board of Directors, which selects the winner. 

And when the prizes were announced on April 17, 1987, Dale already knew that outcome, courtesy of his former boss, Philadelphia Inquirer Editor Gene Roberts. 

I wish he had given me at least a hint because I was out speaking to a community group and missed the initial celebration.  But since Publisher John McMillion wouldn’t bend his policy of no alcohol in the newsroom,  I was back in time when the champagne bottles were uncorked at the Cascade Holiday Inn that evening.

At first, the festivities seemed a little subdued; I thought it should be a little more like my days in sports, where the winning teams knew how to party.  So I grabbed a bottle, popped the cork, and dumped the bubbly over Larry Williams’ head. 

Many congratulatory telegrams followed.  Robert Mercer wrote to Dale Allen: “The Beacon Journal saved Goodyear.”

Maybe. Maybe not.  Because of Goldsmith, Goodyear was never the same company again. To pay for Goldsmith’s retreat, Goodyear had to sell off assets, including the company’s jewel, Goodyear Aerospace, and lay off workers.  Within the next 10 years, it surrendered its crown as the world’s biggest tiremaker to Bridgestone of Japan. 

Goldsmith had changed Akron forever.

Larry Williams brought change to the Beacon Journal newsroom as well.  He only remained at the paper for three years before he was promoted to Knight Ridder’s Washington bureau.  He died at age 74 on Dec. 9, 2019.  But his legacy lives on with those who worked with him, even though not all of us appreciated his impact at the time.

We remained at odds over my column so I never really thanked him for the lessons learned that one long week reconstructing the Goodyear siege.  But when I returned to editing a few years later, I hope I was able to infuse at least some of the same kind of passion and attention to detail into the writing of my reporters.

Others had a similar experience.

“I remember telling Dale that Larry put me into therapy,” John Greenman recalled about his daily story meetings with the managing editor.

“’But you became a strong assigning editor,’ Dale said.

“True enough.”   

Indeed we were all better off for the experience.

Syllabus for ENG 204

INTRODUCTION TO JOURNALISM
ENG 204 Fall 2009
MONDAYS 4 p.m.-6:30 GUILFORD 323
Lecturer: Stuart Warner

 Office hours: Guilford 318
Mondays & Wednesdays, 1-3 p.m.
and by appointment

E-Mail: warnercorn@msn.com

Web page: www.thewritecoachonline.com

office phone:  216-368-2371

 

COURSE OUTLINE

Journalism is changing as rapidly as I write this syllabus. A newspaper closes. A hundred new bloggers began reporting the news. This course will not focus on the traditional platforms of presenting the news, i.e., newspapers, radio, TV, magazines. Instead, the focus will be on journalism, why what it was and what it might be. The goal of the class to to help students begin developing tools that journalists will need — good reporting and writing, objectivity, ethics – no matter what the medium. The heaviest emphasis will be on writing skills. Maybe more importantly, by the end of the semesters, students should become better-informed consumers of news. To that end, students will be quizzed every class either on current events or on reading assignments. Students who miss class without a doctor’s excuse must arrange for make-up quizzes. More than two unexcused absences will result in a lowered grade. Class participation will also factor heavily in grades. Journalists, whatever medium, must be curious and learn to ask direct questions.

READINGS (PARTIAL LIST)
 

Elements of Style, Strunk and White
Journalism: Who What When Where Why and How, James Stovall
A Writer’s Coach, Jack Hart
Sunday New York Times (subscription or online)
Other assigned readings

GRADING
Grades will generally be based on the following scale
Final story (1,500 words) – 25 percent
Other assigned writings – 35 percent
Quizzes – 20 percent
Elements of Style test – 10 percent
Class participation – 10 percent

RULES OF THE CLASS
Deadlines cannot be compromised. Assignments turned in late without a doctor’s excuse will not be accepted. Students will be held to professional standards with regard to spelling and factual errors, both of which will result in grade reductions. Students will also be expected to adhere to the grammatical rules outlined in Elements of Style. Plagiarism, fabrication or any other egregious ethical breach of professional standards shall be dealt with most severely.

SCHOOL POLICY ON ACADEMIC DISHONESTY
All forms of academic dishonesty including cheating, plagiarism, misrepresentation, and obstruction are violations of academic integrity standards. Cheating includes copying from another’s work, falsifying problem solutions or laboratory reports, or using unauthorized sources, notes or computer programs. Plagiarism includes the presentation, without proper attribution, of another’s words or ideas from printed or electronic sources. It is also plagiarism to submit, without the instructor’s consent, an assignment in one class previously submitted in another. Misrepresentation includes forgery of official academic documents, the presentation of altered or falsified documents or testimony to a university office or official, taking an exam for another student, or lying about personal circumstances to postpone tests or assignments. Obstruction occurs when a student engages in unreasonable conduct that interferes with another’s ability to conduct scholarly activity. Destroying a student’s computer file, stealing a student’s notebook, and stealing a book on reserve in the library are examples of obstruction.

OVERVIEW
This is a rough outline of the topics will be covered and subject to change. We may take a trip to a traditional and non-traditional news rooms, based on availability. Individual reading assignments will be updated weekly . And once again, there will be a current events or reading quiz at every class. Unannounced quizzes on reading assignments will also be given.

Week 1 – Introduction: Does journalism matter anymore?
Week 2 – The day we were all news consumers: Discussion with reporter who got inside the police barriers at 9-11 plus discussion of first three chapters of Stovall.
Week 3 – (after holiday) The history of journalism. How we got here.
Week 4 – Two case studies (subject to availability of speaker). First writing assignment due.
Week 5 – Test on Elements of Style; Discussion of Ethics and Standards
Week 6 – Begin discussion of Jack Hart’s book: A Writer’s Coach;
Week 7 — Reporting/Interviewing
Week 7 – Organizing/Finding Focus; Deadline writing test
Week 8 – (after fall break) Writing the draft: seminar on writing the lead
Week 9 – Twitter writing assignment due; Polishing: 10 steps to being your own coach
Week 10 – Tentative … visiting news rooms new and old
Week 11 — New directions: How will the news be presented. Outline for final paper due.
Week 12 – Opinion writing, blog writing, guest speakers
Week 13 – Drafts of final paper due … will schedule individual review sessions
Week 14 – Final papers due